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Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte (25 November 1915 – 10 December 2006) was a Chilean army general and later head of state as president. He was the Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean army from 1973 to 1998, president of the Government Junta of Chile from 1973 to 1981 and President of the Republic from 1974 until the return of democratic rule in 1990.

At the beginning of 1972, he was appointed General Chief of Staff of the Army. In August 1973, he was appointed as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army by president Salvador Allende. On 11 September 1973, with active support from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Pinochet led a coup d'état which put an end to Salvador Allende's democratically-elected government and, along with the Navy, Air Force and Carabineros (the national police force), established a military dictatorship. In December 1974, the military junta appointed Pinochet as President by a joint decree, with which Air Force General Gustavo Leigh disagreed. From the beginning, the government implemented harsh measures against its political opponents. According to the 1993 Rettig Report, over 3,200 people were killed, while (according to the controversial 2004 Valech Report) at least 80,000 were interned and 30,000 subjected to torture under Pinochet. Another 200,000 people went into exile, particularly to Argentinamarker and Perumarker, and applied for political asylum; however, some key individuals were followed in their exile by the DINA secret police, in the framework of Operation Condor, which linked right-wing South American governments together against political opponents.

The new government also implemented economic reforms, including the privatization of several state-controlled industries and the rollback of many state welfare institutions. These policies produced what has been referred to as the "miracle of Chile", but the government policies dramatically increased economic inequality and some attribute the devastating effect of the 1982 monetary crisis in the Chilean economy precisely to these policies. Pinochet's economic policies were continued and strengthened by successive governments after 1990.

Pinochet's presidency was given a legal framework through a highly controversial plebiscite in 1980, which approved a new Constitution drafted by a government-appointed commission. A plebiscite in 1988 led to democratic elections for the Presidency and Parliament. After peacefully stepping down in 1990, Pinochet continued to serve as Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army until 10 March 1998, when he retired and became a senator-for-life in accordance with the 1980 Constitution. In 2004, Chilean Judge Juan Guzmán ruled that Pinochet was medically fit to stand trial and placed him under house arrest. At the time of his death in 10 December, 2006, around 300 criminal charges were still pending against him in Chile for various human rights violations, tax evasion and embezzlement under his rule and afterwards. Pinochet was accused of having corruptly amassed a wealth of US$28 million or more while ruler of Chile.

Early life and career

Pinochet was born in Valparaísomarker on 25 November, 1915 to Augusto Pinochet Vera and Avelina Ugarte Martínez. He went to primary and secondary school at the San Rafael Seminary of Valparaíso, the Rafael Ariztía Institute (Marist Brothers) in Quillotamarker, the French Fathers' School of Valparaíso, and then to the Military School in Santiago, which he entered in 1931. After four years of study, in 1935 he graduated with the rank of alférez (Second Lieutenant) in the infantry.

In September 1937, he was assigned to the "Chacabuco" Regiment, in Concepciónmarker. Two years later, in 1939, then with the rank of Sub-lieutenant, he moved to the "Maipo" Regiment, garrisoned in Valparaíso. He returned to Infantry School in 1940. On January 30, 1943, he married Lucía Hiriart Rodríguez, with whom he had five children: three daughters (Inés Lucía, María Verónica, Jacqueline Marie) and two sons (Augusto Osvaldo and Marco Antonio).

At the end of 1945, he was assigned to the "Carampangue" Regiment in the northern city of Iquiquemarker. Three years later, he entered the War Academy, but he had to postpone his studies because, being the youngest officer, he had to carry out a service mission in the coal zone of Lotamarker. The following year he returned to his studies in the Academy, and after obtaining the title of Officer Chief of Staff, in 1951, he returned to teach at the Military School. At the same time, he worked as a teachers' aide at the War Academy, giving military geography and geopolitics classes. In addition to this, he was active as editor of the institutional magazine Cien Águilas ("One Hundred Eagles"). At the beginning of 1953, with the rank of Major, he was sent for two years to the "Rancagua" Regiment in Aricamarker. While there, he was appointed professor of the Chilean War Academy, and he returned to Santiagomarker to take up his new position.

In 1956 Pinochet was chosen, together with a group of other young officers, to form a military mission that would collaborate in the organization of the War Academy of Ecuadormarker in Quitomarker, which forced him to suspend his law studies. He remained with the Quito mission for three-and-a-half years, during which time he dedicated himself to the study of geopolitics, military geography and intelligence. During his time there, he was known in diplomatic circles as an exceptional poker player. It's been recently alleged that while in Quito Pinochet had a romance with Piedad Noe, and fathered a boy called Juan.

At the end of 1959, he returned to Chile and was sent to General Headquarters of the 1st Army Division, based in Antofagastamarker. The following year, he was appointed Commander of the "Esmeralda" Regiment. Due to his success in this position, he was appointed Sub-director of the War Academy in 1963. In 1968, he was named Chief of Staff of the 2nd Army Division, based in Santiagomarker, and at the end of that year, he was promoted to Brigadier General and Commander in Chief of the 6th Division, garrisoned in Iquique. In his new function, he was also appointed Intendant of the Tarapacá Province.

In January 1971, Pinochet rose to Division General, and was named General Commander of the Santiago Army Garrison. At the beginning of 1972, he was appointed General Chief of Staff of the Army. With rising domestic strife in Chile, after General Prats resigned his position, Pinochet was appointed Commander in Chief of the Army on August 23, 1973 by President Salvador Allende just the day after the Chamber of Deputies of Chile approved a resolution asserting that the government was not respecting the Constitution. Less than a month later, the Chilean military deposed Allende.

Military coup of 1973

On 11 September 1973, the combined Chilean Armed Forces (the Army, Navy, Air Force and the Carabineros) overthrew Allende's government in a coup, during which the presidential palace, La Monedamarker, was shelled and Allende committed suicide (although this is disputed by some elements within Chile).

In his memoirs, Pinochet affirmed that he was the leading plotter of the coup, and used his position as Commander-in-chief of the Army to coordinate a far-reaching scheme with the other two branches of the military and the national police. In later years, however, high military officials from the time have said that Pinochet reluctantly got involved only a few days before it was scheduled to occur and followed the lead of the other branches (especially the Navy, under Merino) as they triggered the coup. There is some doubt as to whether Pinochet's declarations are true, because they give rise to the question as to why Pinochet was at first reluctant to become supreme head of the junta if, as he claimed, he was one of the main characters who planned it.

In the months that followed the coup, the junta, with authoring work by historian Gonzalo Vial and admiral Patricio Carvajal, published a book titled El Libro Blanco del cambio de gobierno en Chile (commonly known as El Libro Blanco, "The White Book of the Change of Government in Chile"), where they attempted to justify the coup by claiming that they were in fact anticipating a self-coup (the alleged Plan Zeta, or Plan Z) that Allende's government and/or its associates were purportedly preparing. United States intelligence agencies believed the plan to be simple propaganda. Although later discredited and officially recognized as the product of political propaganda, some Chilean historians have pointed to the similarities between the alleged Plan Z and other existing paramilitary plans of the Popular Unity parties in support of its legitimacy.

Military junta

A military junta was established immediately following the coup, made up of General Pinochet representing the Army, Admiral José Toribio Merino representing the Navy, General Gustavo Leigh representing the Air Force, and General César Mendoza representing the Carabineros (national police). As established the junta exercised both executive and legislative functions of the government, suspended the Constitution and the Congressmarker, imposed strict censorship and curfew, banned all parties and halted all political activities. This military junta held the executive role until 17 December 1974, after which it remained strictly as a legislative body, the executive powers being transferred to Pinochet with the title of President.

Dictatorship

Junta session one week after the 1973 coup.
Pinochet in 1982.
The junta members originally planned for the presidency to rotate among the commanders-in-chief of the four military branches. However, Pinochet soon consolidated his control, first retaining sole chairmanship of the military junta, and then proclaiming himself "Supreme Chief of the Nation" (de facto provisional president) on 27 June 1974. He officially changed his title to "President" on 17 December 1974. General Leigh, head of the Air Force, became increasingly opposed to Pinochet's policies and was forced into retirement on 24 July 1978, after contradicting Pinochet on that year's plebiscite (officially called Consulta Nacional, or National Consultation, in response to a UN resolution condemning Pinochet's government). He would be replaced by General Fernando Matthei.

Pinochet organized a plebiscite on September 11, 1980. The Chilean people were asked to ratify a new Constitution, replacing the 1925 Constitution drafted during Arturo Alessandri's presidency. The new Constitution, partly drafted by Jaime Guzmán, a close adviser to Pinochet and future founder of the right-wing party Independent Democrat Union (UDI), gave the position of President of the Republic, held by Pinochet, a large amount of power. It created some new institutions, such as the Constitutional Tribunal and the controversial National Security Council (COSENA). It also prescribed an 8-year presidential period, and a single-candidate presidential referendum in 1988, where a candidate nominated by the Junta would be approved or rejected for another 8-year period. The 1980 referendum was approved by 67.04% against 30.19%, although the opposition denounced extensive irregularities. Headed by ex-president Eduardo Frei Montalva, they argued that this result did not tally with electoral records. One objection was that voters cast their vote using as identification only their own ID cards, without any official records, and were only marked with ink on the thumb, which came off rapidly, making electoral fraud easy. These criticisms were rejected by the Scrutiny Association, and the Constitution was promulgated on October 21, 1980, taking effect on March 11, 1981. Pinochet was replaced as President of the Junta that day by Admiral Merino.

That same year, Pinochet was promoted to the rank of Captain General previously reserved for colonial governors and used by Bernardo O'Higgins, a hero of Chile's war of independence. The rank has been subsequently reserved only for those who were simultaneously heads of Government and of the Army.

In May 1983, the opposition and labor movements began to organize demonstrations and strikes against the regime, provoking violent responses from government officials. The assassination of professor José Manuel Parada, journalist Manuel Guerrero, and Santiago Nattino by the (carabineros) led to the resignation of junta member General César Mendoza in 1985 (Caso Degollados, or Slit Throat Case). In a 1985 report, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights stated that it hoped that "the case now under way will lead to the identification and punishment of the persons responsible for the execution of so culpable an act." Eventually, six members of the police secret service were given life sentences.

In 1986, security forces discovered 80 tons of weapons at the tiny fishing harbor of Carrizal Bajo, smuggled into the country by the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR), the armed branch of the outlawed Communist Party, created in 1983 . The shipment of Carrizal Bajo included C-4 plastic explosives, RPG-7 and M72 LAW rocket launchers as well as more than three thousand M-16 rifles. The operation was overseen by Cuban intelligence, and also involved East Germanymarker and the Soviet Unionmarker.

In September, weapons from the same source were used in an unsuccessful assassination attempt against Pinochet by the FPMR. Taken by surprise, five of his military bodyguards were killed. Although Pinochet's armored car was struck by a rocket, it did not explode, and Pinochet suffered only minor injuries, managing to escape.

Allegations of Fascism

Pinochet and his regime have been characterised as fascist However, he and his regime are generally excluded from academic typologies of fascism.Roger Griffin included Pinochet in a group of pseudo-populist despots distinct from fascism and including the likes of Saddam Hussein, Nicolae Ceauşescu, Pol Pot and Ferdinand Marcos. He argues that such regimes may be considered populist ultra-nationalism but lack the palingenesis necesary to make them conform to the model of palingenetic ultranationalism. Robert Paxton meanwhile compared Pinochet's regime to that of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zairemarker, arguing that both were merely client states that lacked popular acclaim and the ability to expand. He further argued that had Pinochet attempted to build the popular bass of true fascism the regime would likely have been toppled or at least been forced to alter its relationship to the United Statesmarker. Anna Cento Bull also excluded Pinochet from fascism, although she has argued that his regime belongs to a strand of Cold War anti-communism that was happy to accommodate neo-fascist elements within its activity.World Fascism: a Historical encyclopedia notes
Although he was authoritarian and ruled dictatorially, Pinochet's support of neoliberal economic policies and his unwillingness to support national businesses distinguished him from classical fascists.


Suppression of opposition

Almost immediately after the military's seizure of power, the junta banned all the leftist parties that had constituted Allende's UP coalition.All other parties were placed in "indefinite recess," and were later banned outright. The government's violence was directed not only against dissidents, but also against their families and other civilians.

The Rettig Report concluded that 2,279 persons who disappeared during the military government were killed for political reasons or as a result of political violence, and approximately 31,947 tortured according to the later Valech Report, while 1,312 were exiled. The latter were chased all over the world by the intelligence agencies. In Latin America, this was made in the frame of Operation Condor, a cooperation plan between the various intelligence agencies of South American countries, assisted by a United States CIA communication base in Panama. Pinochet believed these operations were necessary in order to "save the country from communism".

Some political scientists have ascribed the relative bloodiness of the coup to the stability of the existing democratic system, which required extreme action to overturn. Some of the most famous cases of human rights violation occurred during the early period: in October 1973, at least 70 people were killed throughout the country by the Caravan of Death. Charles Horman, a US journalist, "disappeared", as did Víctor Olea Alegría, a member of the Socialist Party, and many others, in 1973.

Furthermore, many other important officials of Allende's government were tracked down by the DINA in the frame of Operation Condor. Thus, General Carlos Prats, Pinochet's predecessor and army commander under Allende, who had resigned rather than support the moves against Allende's government, was assassinated in Buenos Airesmarker, Argentinamarker, in 1974. A year later, the murder of 119 opponents abroad was disguised as an internal conflict, the DINA setting up a propaganda campaign to accredit this thesis (Operation Colombo), campaign that received diffusion by the leading newspaper in Chile, El Mercurio.

Other victims of Condor included, among hundreds of less famous persons, Juan José Torres, the former President of Bolivia, assassinated in Buenos Aires on 2 June, 1976; Carmelo Soria, a UN diplomat working for the CEPAL, assassinated in July 1976;Orlando Letelier, a former Chilean ambassador to the United States and minister in Allende's cabinet, assassinated after his release from internment and exile in Washington, D.C.marker by a car bomb on 21 September 1976. This led to strained relations with the US and to the extradition of Michael Townley, a US citizen who worked for the DINA and had organized Letelier's assassination. Other targeted victims, who escaped assassination, included Christian-Democrat Bernardo Leighton, who escaped an assassination attempt in Rome in 1975 by the Italian terrorist Stefano delle Chiaie; Carlos Altamirano, the leader of the Chilean Socialist Party, targeted for murder in 1975 by Pinochet, along with Volodia Teitelboim, member of the Communist Party; Pascal Allende, the nephew of Salvador Allende and president of the MIR, who escaped an assassination attempt in Costa Rica in March 1976; US Congressman Edward Koch, who became aware in 2001 of relations between death threats and his denunciation of Operation Condor, etc. Furthermore, according to current investigations, Eduardo Frei Montalva, the Christian Democrat President of Chile from 1964 to 1970, may have been poisoned in 1982 by toxin produced by DINA biochemist Eugenio Berrios.

Protests continued, however, during the 1980s, leading to several scandals. In March 1985, the savage murder of three Communist Party members led to the resignation of César Mendoza, head of the Carabineros and member of the junta since its formation. During a 1986 protest against Pinochet, 21 year old American photographer Rodrigo Rojas DeNegri and 18 year old student Carmen Gloria Quintana were burnt alive, with only Carmen surviving.

In August 1989, Marcelo Barrios Andres, a 21 year-old member of the FPMR (the armed wing of the PCC, created in 1983, which had attempted to assassinate Pinochet on September 7, 1986), was assassinated by a group of military personnel who were supposed to arrest him on orders of Valparaíso's public prosecutor. However, they simply executed him; this case was included in the Rettig Report.

Economic policy

In 1973, the Chilean economy was deeply hurt by several reasons, including mismanagement of Salvador Allende and the economic sanctions imposed by the Nixon administration, inflation was hundreds of percents, the country had no foreign reserves, and GDP was falling. By mid 1975, the government set forth an economic policy of free-market reforms which attempted to stop inflation and collapse. He declared that he wanted "to make Chile not a nation of proletarians, but a nation of proprietors." To formulate the economic rescue, the government relied on the so-called Chicago Boys.

The economic policies espoused by the Chicago Boys and implemented by the junta initially caused several economic indicators to decline for Chile's lower classes. Between 1973 and 1989 , there were large cuts to incomes and social services. Wages decreased by 8%. Family allowances in 1989 were 28% of what they had been in 1970 and the budgets for education, health and housing had dropped by over 20% on averageThe junta relied on the middle class, the oligarchy, huge foreign corporations, and foreign loans to maintain itself.Under Pinochet, funding of military and internal defense spending rose 120% from 1974 to 1979.Due to the reduction in public spending, tens of thousands of employees were fired from other state-sector jobs.The oligarchy recovered most of its lost industrial and agricultural holdings, for the junta sold to private buyers most of the industries expropriated by Allende's Popular Unity government. This period saw the expansion of monopolies and widespread speculation.

Financial conglomerates became major beneficiaries of the liberalized economy and the flood of foreign bank loans. Large foreign banks reinstated the credit cycle, as the Junta saw that the basic state obligations, such as resuming payment of principal and interest installments, were honored. International lending organizations such as the World Bank, the IMFmarker, and the Inter-American Development Bank lent vast sums anew.Many foreign multinational corporations such as International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT), Dow Chemical, and Firestone, all expropriated by Allende, returned to Chile.Pinochet's policies eventually led to substantial GDP growth, in contrast to the negative growth seen in the early years of his administration. The upper 20% of income earners ultimately benefited the most from such growth, receiving 85% of the increase. Foreign debt also grew substantially under Pinochet, rising 300% between 1974 and 1988.

While the 1980s have been described as the "lost decade" in terms of economic development for the rest of Latin America, since global recession in the early 1980s Chile's economy under Pinochet underwent sustained strong expansion. His government implemented an economic model that had three main objectives: economic liberalization, privatization of state owned companies, and stabilization of inflation. In 1985, the government started with a second round of privatization, it revised previously introduced tariff increases and gave a greater supervisory role for the Central Bank. Pinochet's market liberalizations have continued after his death, led by Patricio Aylwin.

1988 referendum and transition to democracy

According to the transitional provisions of the 1980 Constitution, a referendum was scheduled for October 5, 1988, to vote on a new eight-year presidential term for Pinochet. Confronted with increasing opposition, notably at the international level, Pinochet legalized political parties in 1987 and called for a plebiscite to determine whether or not he would remain in power until 1997. If the "YES" won, Pinochet would have to implement the dispositions of the 1980 Constitution, mainly the call for general elections, while he would himself remain in power as President. If the "NO" won, Pinochet would remain President for another year, and a joint Presidential and Parliamentary election would be scheduled.

Another reason of Pinochet's decision to call for elections was the April 1987 visit of Pope John Paul II to Chile. According to the US Catholic author George Weigel, he held a meeting with Pinochet during which they discussed a return to democracy. John Paul II allegedly pushed Pinochet to accept a democratic opening of the regime, and even called for his resignation.

Political advertising was legalized on 5 September 1987, as a necessary element for the campaign for the "NO" to the referendum, which countered the official campaign which presaged a return to a Popular Unity government in case of a defeat of Pinochet. The Opposition, gathered into the Concertación de Partidos por el NO ("Coalition of Parties for NO"), organized a colorful and cheerful campaign under the slogan La alegría ya viene ("Joy is coming"). It was formed by the Christian Democracy, the Socialist Party and the Radical Party, gathered in the Alianza Democrática (Democratic Alliance). In 1988, several more parties, including the Humanist Party, the Ecologist Party, the Social Democrats, and several Socialist Party splinter groups added their support.

On 5 October 1988, the "NO" option won with 55.99% of the votes, against 44.1% of "YES" votes. Pinochet complied, so the ensuing Constitutional process led to presidential and legislative elections the following year.

The Coalition changed its name to Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia (Coalition of Parties for Democracy) and put forward Patricio Aylwin, a Christian Democrat who had opposed Allende, as presidential candidate, and also proposed a list of candidates for the parliamentary elections. The opposition and the Pinochet government made several negotiations to amend the Constitution and agreed to 54 modifications. These amendments changed the way the Constitution would be modified in the future, added restrictions to state of emergency dispositions, the affirmation of political pluralism, and enhanced constitutional rights as well as the democratic principle and participation to political life. In July 1989, a referendum on the proposed changes took place, supported by all the parties except the right-wing Avanzada Nacional. The Constitutional changes were approved by 91.25% of the voters.

Thereafter, Aylwin won the December 1989 presidential election with 55.17% of the votes, against less than 30% for the right-wing candidate, Hernan Buchi, who had been Pinochet's Minister of Finances since 1985 (there was also a third-party candidate, Francisco Javier Errázuriz, a wealthy aristocrat that represented the extreme economical right, who garnered the remaining 15%). Pinochet thus left the presidency on 11 March 1990 and transferred power to the new democratically elected president.

The Concertación also won the majority of votes for the Parliament. However, due to the "binominal" representation system included in the constitution, the elected senators did not achieve a complete majority in Parliament, a situation that would last for over 15 years. This forced them to negotiate all law projects with the Alliance for Chile (originally called "Democracy and Progress" and then "Union for Chile"), a center-right coalition involving the Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI) and Renovación Nacional (RN), parties composed mainly of Pinochet's supporters.

Due to the transitional provisions of the constitution, Pinochet remained as Commander-in-Chief of the Army until March 1998. He was then sworn in as a senator-for-life, a privilege granted by the 1980 constitution to former presidents with at least six years in office. His senatorship and consequent immunity from prosecution protected him from legal action. These were only possible in Chile after Pinochet was arrested in 1998 in the United Kingdommarker, on an extradition request issued by Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón —allegations of abuses had been made numerous times before his arrest, but never acted upon.

Relationship with UK

Pinochet allowed British planes to refuel in Chile during the Falklands War and thus cemented an alliance with the UK and then with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He subsequently visited Margaret Thatcher for tea on more than one occasion. Pinochet's controversial relationship with Thatcher led Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair to mock Thatcher's Conservatives as "the party of Pinochet" in 1999.

Arrest and trial in Britain

Pinochet's regime has been accused of systematic and widespread human rights violations both in Chile and abroad, including mass-murder, torture, kidnapping, illegal detention, and censorship of the press. At the end of his life, he was also accused of using his position to enrich himself and his family—a facet previously unknown to the general public, as he had usually shown a rather modest lifestyle.

On 17 October 1998, while visiting the United Kingdommarker for medical treatment, Pinochet was arrested on a Spanish provisional warrant for the murders of Spanish citizens in Chile while he was president. Five days later, Pinochet was served with a second provisional arrest warrant from the Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón, charging him with systematic torture, murder, illegal detention, and forced disappearances. The case was a watershed event in judicial history, as it was the first time that a former government head was arrested on the principle of universal jurisdiction. (See Augusto Pinochet's arrest and trial#The principle of universal jurisdiction for further details.)

After having been placed under house arrest in Britain and initiating a judicial battle, he was eventually released in March 2000 on medical grounds by the Home Secretary Jack Straw without facing trial.

Return to Chile

Pinochet returned to Chile on 3 March 2000. His first act when landing in Santiago's airportmarker was to triumphantly get up from his wheelchair to the acclaim of his supporters. He was first greeted by his successor as head of the Chilean armed forces, General Ricardo Izurieta. President Ricardo Lagos, who had just sworn in on March 11, said the retired general's televised arrival had damaged the image of Chile, while thousands demonstrated against him.

In March 2000, the Congress approved a constitutional amendment creating the status of "ex-president," which granted its owner immunity from prosecution and guaranteed him a financial allowance. In exchange, it required him to resign from his seat of senator-for-life. 111 legislators voted for, and 29 (mostly, if not all, from the Left) against.

Nevertheless, judge Juan Guzmán Tapia (who had been a supporter of Pinochet during his government) initiated a procedure against him, requesting the suspension of his parliamentary immunity three days after his return to Chile. Pinochet's legal team was headed by Pablo Rodríguez, the former leader of the rightist paramilitary movement Patria y Libertad (Fatherland and Liberty).

The Supreme Courtmarker ruled in favor of Juan Guzmán's request on August 2000, and Pinochet was indicted on 1 December 2000 for the "kidnapping" of 75 opponents in the Caravan of Death case—Guzmán advanced the charge of "kidnapping" as they were officially "disappeared": even though they were all most likely dead, the absence of their corpses made any charge of "homicide" difficult.

However, in July 2002, the Supreme Court dismissed Pinochet's indictment in the various human rights abuse cases, for medical reasons (vascular dementia). The debate concerned Pinochet's mental faculties, his legal team claiming that he was senile and could not remember, while others (including several physicians) claimed that he was only physically affected but retained all control of his faculties. The same year, the prosecuting attorney Hugo Guttierez, in charge of the Caravan of Death case, declared that "Our country has the degree of justice that the political transition permits us to have."

Pinochet resigned from his senatorial seat shortly after the Supreme Court's July 2002 ruling. In May 2004, the Supreme Court overturned its precedent decision, and ruled that he was capable of standing trial. In arguing their case, the prosecution presented a recent TV interview Pinochet had given for a Miami-based television network, which raised doubts about his alleged mental incapacity. He was charged with several crimes in December of that year (including the 1974 assassination of General Prats, the Operation Colombo case (119 dead), etc.) and again placed under house arrest, on the eve of his 90th birthday. Questioned by his judges in order to know if, as President, he was the direct head of DINA, he answered: "I don't remember, but it's not true. And if it were true, I don't remember."

In January 2005, the Chilean Army accepted institutional responsibility for past human rights abuses. Other institutions also accepted that abuses took place, but blamed them on individuals, rather than official policy. Lucía Pinochet Hiriart, Augusto Pinochet's eldest daughter, said the use of torture during his 1973–90 regime was "barbaric and without justification", after seeing the Valech Report. Most of the torture was carried out at secret prison facilities like Villa Grimaldimarker, Chacabucomarker, and Pisaguamarker.

The same year, the US revealed that Pinochet had a large network of secret bank accounts abroad (See below). On 22 November 2005, he was indicted on tax evasion charges and placed again under house arrest for an alleged $27 million hidden in secret accounts under false names. That figure was later reduced to $11 million.

Furthermore, Pinochet was indicted in 2006 for kidnappings and tortures at Villa Grimaldimarker detention center by the judge Alejandro Madrid (Guzmán's successor), as well as for the 1995 assassination of the DINA biochemist Eugenio Berrios (himself involved in the Letelier case). Berrios, who had worked with Michael Townley, had produced sarin gas, anthrax and botulism in the Bacteriological War Army Laboratory for Pinochet (used against political opponents). The DINA biochemist was also alleged of having created black cocaine, which Pinochet then sold in Europe and the United States. The money for the drug trade was allegedly put directly into Pinochet's bank accounts. Pinochet's son Marco Antonio, who had been accused of participating in the drug trade, has denied claims of drug trafficking in his father's administration and announced a lawsuit for libel against Manuel Contreras, who had also claimed Pinochet sold cocaine.

On 30 October 2006, Pinochet was charged with 36 counts of kidnapping, 23 counts of torture, and one of murder for the torture and disappearance of opponents of his regime at Villa Grimaldi.

On 25 November 2006, Pinochet marked his 91st birthday by having his wife read a statement written by him, and read to his admirers present for his birthday: "I assume the political responsibility of all that has been done." Two days later, he was again ordered to house arrest for the kidnapping and murder of two bodyguards of Salvador Allende who were arrested the day of the 1973 coup and executed by a firing squad during the Caravan of Death episode.

However, Pinochet died a few days later, on 10 December, 2006, without having been convicted of any of the many serious crimes he was accused of.

Secret bank accounts, tax evasion and arms deal

In 2004, a United States Senate money laundering investigation led by Senators Carl Levin (D-MI) and Norm Coleman (R-MN)—ordered in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks—uncovered a network of over 125 securities and bank accounts at Riggs Bank and other U.S. financial institutions used by Pinochet and his associates for twenty-five years to secretly move millions of dollars.Though the subcommittee was charged only with investigating compliance of financial institutions under the USA PATRIOT Act, and not the Pinochet regime, Senator Coleman noted:

Over several months in 2005, Chilean judge Sergio Muñoz indicted Augusto Pinochet's wife, Lucia Hiriart; four of his children—Marco Antonio, Jacqueline, Veronica and Lucia Pinochet; as well as his personal secretary, Monica Ananias, and former aide Oscar Aitken on tax evasion and falsification charges stemming from the Riggs Bank investigation. In January 2006, daughter Lucia Pinochet was detained at Washington DC-Dulles airport and subsequently deported while attempting to evade the tax charges in Chile. In January 2007, the Santiago Court of Appeals revoked most of the indictment from Judge Carlos Cerda against the Pinochet family. But Pinochet's five children, his wife Lucia Hiriart, and 17 other persons (including two generals, one of his ex-lawyer and his ex-secretary) were arrested in October 2007 on charges of embezzlement and use of false passports. They are accused of having illegally transferred $27m (£13.2m) to foreign bank accounts during Pinochet's rule.

In September 2005, a joint-investigation by The Guardian and La Tercera revealed that the British arms firm BAE Systemsmarker had been identified as paying more than £1m to Pinochet, through a front company in the British Virgin Islandsmarker, which BAE has used to channel commission on arms deals. The payments began in 1997 and lasted until 2004.

Furthermore, in 2007, fifteen years of investigation led to the conclusion that the 1992 assassination of DINA Colonel Gerardo Huber was most probably related to various illegal arms traffic carried out, after Pinochet's resignation from power, by military circles very close to himself. Huber had been assassinated a short time before he was due to testify in the case concerning the 1991 illegal export of weapons to Croatianmarker army. The deal involved 370 tons of weapons, sold to Croatia by Chile on 7 December 1991, when the former country was under a United Nations' embargo because of the defensive war against Serbian aggression. In January 1992, the judge Hernán Correa de la Cerda wanted to hear Gerardo Huber in this case, but the latter may have been silenced to avoid implicating Pinochet in this new case—although the latter was not anymore President, he remained at the time Commander-in-Chief of the Army. Pinochet was at the center of this illegal arms trade, receiving money through various offshores and front companies, including the Banco Coutts International in Miamimarker.

Meanwhile, the trials concerning human rights violations during the dictatorship continued. Pinochet was stripped of his parliamentary immunity in August 2000 by the Supreme Courtmarker, and indicted by judge Juan Guzmán Tapia. Guzmán had ordered in 1999 the arrest of five militarists, including General Pedro Espinoza Bravo of the DINA, for their role in the Caravan of Death following the 11 September coup. Arguing that the bodies of the "disappeared" were still missing, he made jurisprudence which had as effect to lift any prescription on the crimes committed by the military. Pinochet's trial continued until his death on December 10, 2006, with an alternation of indictments for specific cases, lifting of immunities by the Supreme Court or to the contrary immunity from prosecution, with his health a main argument for, or against, his prosecution. The Supreme Court affirmed in March 2005 Pinochet's immunity concerning the 1974 assassination of General Carlos Prats in Buenos Aires, which had taken place in the frame of Operation Condor. However, he was deemed fit to stand trial for Operation Colombo, during which 119 political opponents were "disappeared" in Argentina. The Chilean justice also lifted his immunity on the Villa Grimaldimarker case, a detention and torture center in the outskirts of Santiago. Pinochet, who still benefited from a reputation of righteousness from his supporters, lost legitimacy when he was put under house arrest on tax fraud and passport forgery, following the publication by the US Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of a report concerning the Riggs Bank in July 2004. The report was a consequence of investigations on financial funding of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the US. The bank controlled between USD $4 million and $8 million of Pinochet's assets, who lived in Santiago in a modest house, dissimulating his wealth. According to the report, Riggs participated in money laundering for Pinochet, setting up offshore shell corporations (referring to Pinochet as only "a former public official"), and hiding his accounts from regulatory agencies. Related to Pinochet's and his family secret bank accounts in United States and in Caraïbs islands, this tax fraud filing for an amount of 27 million dollars shocked the conservative sectors who still supported him. Ninety percent of these funds would have been raised between 1990 and 1998, when Pinochet was chief of the Chilean armies, and would essentially have come from weapons traffic (when purchasing Belgian 'Mirage' air-fighters in 1994, Dutch 'Léopard' tanks, Swiss 'Mowag' tanks or by illegal sales of weapons to Croatiamarker, in the middle of the Balkans war.) His wife, Lucía Hiriart, and his son, Marco Antonio Pinochet, were also sued for complicity. For the fourth time in seven years, Pinochet was indicted by the Chilean justice.

Human rights violations

Pinochet is alleged to be responsible for various human rights abuses during his reign. According to a government report that included testimony from more than 30,000 people, Pinochet's government killed at least 3,197 people and tortured about 29,000. Two-thirds of the cases listed in the report happened in 1973.

Death

Pinochet suffered a heart attack on the morning of December 3, 2006, and subsequently the same day he was given the last rites. On December 4, 2006, the Chilean Court of Appeals ordered the release of his house arrest. On December 10, 2006 at 13:30 local time (16:30 UTC) he was taken to the intensive care unit. He died of congestive heart failure and pulmonary edema, surrounded by family members, at the Military Hospital at 14:15 local time (17:15 UTC). His last word was "Lucy".

Demonstrations

Massive spontaneous street demonstrations broke out throughout the country upon the learning of his death. In Santiago, opponents celebrated at the Alameda avenue, while supporters grieved outside the Military Hospital. Pinochet's remains were publicly exhibited on December 11, 2006 at the Military Academy in Las Condesmarker. During this ceremony, the grandson of Carlos Prats, a former Commander in Chief of the Army in Allende's Government, murdered by Pinochet's secret police, spat on the coffin, and was quickly surrounded by supporters of Pinochet, who kicked and insulted him. Pinochet's funeral took place the following day at the same venue, where a massive ceremony gathered 60,000 supporters.

Funeral

Pinochet funeral.
In a government decision, he was not granted a state funeral, an honor bestowed upon constitutionally elected Chilean presidents, but a military funeral as former commander-in-chief of the Army appointed by President Salvador Allende. The government also refused to declare an official national day of mourning, but it did authorize flags at military barracks to fly at half staff. Pinochet's coffin was also allowed to be draped in a Chilean flag. Socialist President Michelle Bachelet, whose father Alberto was temporarily imprisoned and tortured after the 1973 coup, dying shortly after from heart complications, said it would be "a violation of [her] conscience" to attend a state funeral for Pinochet. The only government authority present at the public funeral was the Defense Minister, Vivianne Blanlot.

Cremation

Pinochet's body was cremated in "Parque del Mar" cemetery, Concónmarker on December 12, 2006, on his request to "avoid vandalism of his tomb," according to his son Marco Antonio. His ashes were delivered to his family later that day, and are deposited in one of his personal residences. The armed forces refused to allow his ashes to be deposited in any military grounds.

See also



Footnotes and references

  1. CNN.com - CIA acknowledges involvement in Allende's overthrow, Pinochet's rise - September 19, 2000
  2. CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet’s Repression
  3. Cavallo, Ascanio et al. La Historia Oculta del Régimen Militar, Grijalbo, Santiago, 1997.
  4. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1999/jan/15/pinochet.chile1
  5. English translation of the Rettig Report
  6. 2004 Commission on Torture (Valech Report)
  7. Thomas M. Leonard. Encyclopedia Of The Developing World. Routledge. ISBN 1579583881 p. 322
  8. Larry Rohter, Colonel's Death Gives Clues to Pinochet Arms Deals, The New York Times, 19 June 2006
  9. http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/detalle/detallenoticias.asp?idnoticia=364860
  10. El fin de un mito en Chile: el Plan Zeta, Clarín, 5 July 1999
  11. Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura CAPÍTULO III Contexto.
  12. Hudson, Rex A., ed. "Chile: A Country Study". GPO for the Library of Congress. 1995. March 20, 2005 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cltoc.html
  13. Inter-American Commission on human rights Report 1986
  14. Flash presentation depicting the September 1986 assassination attempt
  15. R. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, London: Routledge, 2003, pp. 36-37
  16. R.O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism, London: Allen Lane 2004, p. 201
  17. A. Cento Bull, 'Neo-Fascism', R.J.B. Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 604
  18. Walter Laqueur. Fascism: Past, Present, Future. Oxford University Press. 1997. p. 115
  19. World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1 By Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson
  20. , accessed 10-24-2006 through Google Books.
  21. Eduardo Gallardo, Pinochet Was Unrepentant to the End, ABC News (Associated Press), December 11, 2006
  22. Ex-Chilean leader 'was murdered', BBC, 23 January 2007
  23. Capítulos desconocidos de los mercenarios chilenos en Honduras camino de Iraq, La Nación, September 25, 2005 – URL accessed on February 14, 2007
  24. Still Hidden: A Full Record Of What the U.S. Did in Chile, Peter Kornbluh, The Washington Post, Sunday 24 October 1999; Page B01
  25. Augusto Pinochet biography data. Chilean coup d'etat. Pinochet human rights violations
  26. [1] Chile under Pinochet: recovering the truth
  27. Remmer, 1989
  28. Schatan, 1990
  29. George Weigel, Biografía de Juan Pablo II - Testigo de Esperanza, Editorial Plaza & Janés (2003), ISBN 8401013046
  30. Tribunal Calificador, Chilean governmental website
  31. See Juan Guzmán Tapia's autobiography
  32. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6167351.stm
  33. Amnesty International: "Universal Jurisdiction and Absence of Immunity for Crimes Against Humanity," Report, 1 January 1999
  34. Pinochet set free, BBC, 2 March 2000
  35. video of Pinochet arriving at Santiago airport, March 3, 2000
  36. Alex Bellos and Jonathan Franklin, Pinochet receives a hero's welcome on his return, The Guardian, 4 March, 2000
  37. Pinochet arrives in Chile, BBC, 3 March 2000
  38. Thousands march against Pinochet, BBC, March 4, 2000
  39. Chile offers Pinochet new immunity, BBC, 25 March 2000
  40. Pinochet charged with kidnapping, BBC, 1st December 2000
  41. "The Appeals Court Ruling Is Negotiated Out for Pinochet", Interview with Attorney Hugo Gutierrez, by Memoria y Justicia,21 February 2002
  42. 16 November 2005. Spanish: "No me acuerdo, pero no es cierto. Y si es cierto, no me acuerdo". Quoted in Las frases para el bronce de Pinochet, La Nacion, 11 December 2006
  43. General Juan Emilio Cheyre, "Ejército de Chile: el fin de una visión", La Tercera, May 11, 2004
  44. Court 'lifts Pinochet immunity', BBC, September 8, 2006.
  45. Levée de l'immunité de Pinochet pour le meurtre d'un chimiste, news agency cable, 12 October 2006
  46. Jonathan Franklin, Pinochet 'sold cocaine to Europe and US', The Guardian, July 11, 2006
  47. General (r) Manuel Contreras: Eugenio Berríos está vivo, Radio Cooperativa, 10 July 2006
  48. Hijo de Pinochet acusa de "mentiroso y canalla" a ex jefe DINA, Los Tiempos, 10 July 2006
  49. Las frases para el bronce de Pinochet, La Nacion, 11 December 2006
  50. Eduardo Gallardo: "Pinochet indicted for 1973 executions," Associated Press, 27 November 2006.
  51. Procesan a Pinochet y ordenan su arresto por los secuestros y homicidios de la "Caravana de la Muerte", 20minutos, 28 November 2006.
  52. United States Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs: "Levin-Coleman Staff Report Discloses Web of Secret Accounts Used by Pinochet", Press Release. US Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, http://www.senate.gov/~levin/newsroom/release.cfm?id=233631 March 16, 2005
  53. "U.S. Sends Back Pinochet Daughter," CNN, 28 January 2006
  54. Corte revoca mayoría de procesamientos en caso Riggs, El Mercurio, 3 January 2007
  55. Pinochet family arrested in Chile, BBC, 4 October 2007
  56. Cobertura Especial: Detienen a familia y principales colaboradores de Pinochet, La Tercera, 4 October 2007
  57. David Leigh and Rob Evans, Revealed: BAE's secret £1m to Pinochet, The Guardian, 15 September 2005
  58. David Leigh, Jonathan Franklin and Rob Evans, Detective story that linked £1m Pinochet cash to BAE, The Guardian, 15 September 2005
  59. Larry Rohter, Colonel's Death Gives Clues to Pinochet Arms Deals, The New York Times, 19 June 2006
  60. Biographical notice on Memoria viva NGO website
  61. Jorge Molina Sanhueza, Gerardo Huber sabía demasiado, pero no alcanzó a contarlo. El coronel que le pena al ejército, La Nación, 25 September 2005
  62. Andrea Chaparro, CDE insiste en unir caso Huber con tráfico de armas a Croacia, La Nación, 15 August 2005
  63. Andrea Chaparro Solís, Generales (R) y civiles de Famae procesados en caso armas a Croacia, La Nación, 13 June 2006
  64. U.S. sends back Pinochet daughter, CNN, January 28, 2006
  65. Muere el ex dictador Chileno Augusto Pinochet EFE
  66. Augusto Pinochet falleció en el Hospital Militar tras sufrir recaída "; El Mercurio"
  67. Chile's General Pinochet 'dead' BBC News
  68. "Pinochet's Funeral Draws 60,000", CBA news, http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2006/12/12/pinochet-funeral.html
  69. "Clashes Break out after Pinochet's death", Yahoo!News, 11 December 2006
  70. Family Wants Pinochet Cremation
  71. Pedregoso camino para que cenizas de Pinochet llegaran a Los Boldos, La Nación 26 de diciembre del 2006.

  • Alistair Horne, "The case for Henry Kissinger" - The Independent (3587 words, 18 August 2009)
  • Alide Dasnois, "Chile and the absurdity of ideological social engineering" - The Cape Times (1226 words, 8 July 2009)
  • Michael Posner, "What it's like to arrive at a place called exile; Drawing on personal experience, Carmen Aguirre's play chronicles the plight of Chilean refugees fleeing the Pinochet regime" - The Globe & Mail (829 words, 17 September 2009)

}}

Notes

  1. CNN.com - CIA acknowledges involvement in Allende's overthrow, Pinochet's rise - September 19, 2000
  2. CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet’s Repression
  3. Cavallo, Ascanio et al. La Historia Oculta del Régimen Militar, Grijalbo, Santiago, 1997.
  4. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/1999/jan/15/pinochet.chile1
  5. English translation of the Rettig Report
  6. 2004 Commission on Torture (Valech Report)
  7. Thomas M. Leonard. Encyclopedia Of The Developing World. Routledge. ISBN 1579583881 p. 322
  8. Larry Rohter, Colonel's Death Gives Clues to Pinochet Arms Deals, The New York Times, 19 June 2006
  9. http://www.emol.com/noticias/internacional/detalle/detallenoticias.asp?idnoticia=364860
  10. El fin de un mito en Chile: el Plan Zeta, Clarín, 5 July 1999
  11. Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura CAPÍTULO III Contexto.
  12. Hudson, Rex A., ed. "Chile: A Country Study". GPO for the Library of Congress. 1995. March 20, 2005 http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cltoc.html
  13. Inter-American Commission on human rights Report 1986
  14. Flash presentation depicting the September 1986 assassination attempt
  15. R. Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, London: Routledge, 2003, pp. 36-37
  16. R.O. Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism, London: Allen Lane 2004, p. 201
  17. A. Cento Bull, 'Neo-Fascism', R.J.B. Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 604
  18. Walter Laqueur. Fascism: Past, Present, Future. Oxford University Press. 1997. p. 115
  19. World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1 By Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson
  20. , accessed 10-24-2006 through Google Books.
  21. Eduardo Gallardo, Pinochet Was Unrepentant to the End, ABC News (Associated Press), December 11, 2006
  22. Ex-Chilean leader 'was murdered', BBC, 23 January 2007
  23. Capítulos desconocidos de los mercenarios chilenos en Honduras camino de Iraq, La Nación, September 25, 2005 – URL accessed on February 14, 2007
  24. Still Hidden: A Full Record Of What the U.S. Did in Chile, Peter Kornbluh, The Washington Post, Sunday 24 October 1999; Page B01
  25. Augusto Pinochet biography data. Chilean coup d'etat. Pinochet human rights violations
  26. [1] Chile under Pinochet: recovering the truth
  27. Remmer, 1989
  28. Schatan, 1990
  29. George Weigel, Biografía de Juan Pablo II - Testigo de Esperanza, Editorial Plaza & Janés (2003), ISBN 8401013046
  30. Tribunal Calificador, Chilean governmental website
  31. See Juan Guzmán Tapia's autobiography
  32. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6167351.stm
  33. Amnesty International: "Universal Jurisdiction and Absence of Immunity for Crimes Against Humanity," Report, 1 January 1999
  34. Pinochet set free, BBC, 2 March 2000
  35. video of Pinochet arriving at Santiago airport, March 3, 2000
  36. Alex Bellos and Jonathan Franklin, Pinochet receives a hero's welcome on his return, The Guardian, 4 March, 2000
  37. Pinochet arrives in Chile, BBC, 3 March 2000
  38. Thousands march against Pinochet, BBC, March 4, 2000
  39. Chile offers Pinochet new immunity, BBC, 25 March 2000
  40. Pinochet charged with kidnapping, BBC, 1st December 2000
  41. "The Appeals Court Ruling Is Negotiated Out for Pinochet", Interview with Attorney Hugo Gutierrez, by Memoria y Justicia,21 February 2002
  42. 16 November 2005. Spanish: "No me acuerdo, pero no es cierto. Y si es cierto, no me acuerdo". Quoted in Las frases para el bronce de Pinochet, La Nacion, 11 December 2006
  43. General Juan Emilio Cheyre, "Ejército de Chile: el fin de una visión", La Tercera, May 11, 2004
  44. Court 'lifts Pinochet immunity', BBC, September 8, 2006.
  45. Levée de l'immunité de Pinochet pour le meurtre d'un chimiste, news agency cable, 12 October 2006
  46. Jonathan Franklin, Pinochet 'sold cocaine to Europe and US', The Guardian, July 11, 2006
  47. General (r) Manuel Contreras: Eugenio Berríos está vivo, Radio Cooperativa, 10 July 2006
  48. Hijo de Pinochet acusa de "mentiroso y canalla" a ex jefe DINA, Los Tiempos, 10 July 2006
  49. Las frases para el bronce de Pinochet, La Nacion, 11 December 2006
  50. Eduardo Gallardo: "Pinochet indicted for 1973 executions," Associated Press, 27 November 2006.
  51. Procesan a Pinochet y ordenan su arresto por los secuestros y homicidios de la "Caravana de la Muerte", 20minutos, 28 November 2006.
  52. United States Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs: "Levin-Coleman Staff Report Discloses Web of Secret Accounts Used by Pinochet", Press Release. US Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, http://www.senate.gov/~levin/newsroom/release.cfm?id=233631 March 16, 2005
  53. "U.S. Sends Back Pinochet Daughter," CNN, 28 January 2006
  54. Corte revoca mayoría de procesamientos en caso Riggs, El Mercurio, 3 January 2007
  55. Pinochet family arrested in Chile, BBC, 4 October 2007
  56. Cobertura Especial: Detienen a familia y principales colaboradores de Pinochet, La Tercera, 4 October 2007
  57. David Leigh and Rob Evans, Revealed: BAE's secret £1m to Pinochet, The Guardian, 15 September 2005
  58. David Leigh, Jonathan Franklin and Rob Evans, Detective story that linked £1m Pinochet cash to BAE, The Guardian, 15 September 2005
  59. Larry Rohter, Colonel's Death Gives Clues to Pinochet Arms Deals, The New York Times, 19 June 2006
  60. Biographical notice on Memoria viva NGO website
  61. Jorge Molina Sanhueza, Gerardo Huber sabía demasiado, pero no alcanzó a contarlo. El coronel que le pena al ejército, La Nación, 25 September 2005
  62. Andrea Chaparro, CDE insiste en unir caso Huber con tráfico de armas a Croacia, La Nación, 15 August 2005
  63. Andrea Chaparro Solís, Generales (R) y civiles de Famae procesados en caso armas a Croacia, La Nación, 13 June 2006
  64. U.S. sends back Pinochet daughter, CNN, January 28, 2006
  65. Muere el ex dictador Chileno Augusto Pinochet EFE
  66. Augusto Pinochet falleció en el Hospital Militar tras sufrir recaída "; El Mercurio"
  67. Chile's General Pinochet 'dead' BBC News
  68. "Pinochet's Funeral Draws 60,000", CBA news, http://www.cbc.ca/world/story/2006/12/12/pinochet-funeral.html
  69. "Clashes Break out after Pinochet's death", Yahoo!News, 11 December 2006
  70. Family Wants Pinochet Cremation
  71. Pedregoso camino para que cenizas de Pinochet llegaran a Los Boldos, La Nación 26 de diciembre del 2006.


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