Linguistic division in early twelfth
or Dabíd mac Maíl Choluim
: Daibhidh I mac
; 1083 x 1085 – 24 May 1153) was a
12th-century ruler who was Prince of the Cumbrians
and later King of the
(1124–1153). The youngest son of Malcolm III and Margaret, David spent most of his
childhood in Scotland, but was
exiled to England temporarily
Perhaps after 1100, he became a dependent at the
court of King Henry I
. There he
was influenced by the Norman and Anglo-French culture of the
When David's brother Alexander I
died in 1124, David chose, with the backing of
Henry I, to take the Kingdom of
) for himself. He
was forced to engage in warfare against his rival and nephew,
Máel Coluim mac
. Subduing the latter seems to have taken David ten
years, a struggle that involved the destruction of Óengus
, Mormaer of Moray
. David's victory allowed
expansion of control over more distant regions theoretically part
of his Kingdom. After the death of his former patron Henry I, David
supported the claims of Henry's daughter and his own niece, the
former Empress-consort, Matilda
the throne of England. In the process, he came into conflict with
King Stephen and was able to
expand his power in northern England, despite his defeat at the
Battle of the
Standard in 1138.
The term "Davidian Revolution
is used by many scholars to summarise the changes which took place
in the Kingdom of Scotland during his reign. These included his
foundation of burghs
, implementation of the
ideals of Gregorian Reform
foundation of monasteries
of the Scottish government, and the introduction of feudalism
through immigrant French
A modern depiction of David's father,
King Máel Coluim III.
The early years of David I are the most obscure of his life.
Because there is little documented evidence, historians can only
guess at most of David's activities in this period.
Childhood and flight to England
David was born at an unknown point between 1083 and 1085. He was
probably the eighth son of King Malcolm
, and certainly the sixth and youngest produced by Malcolm's
second marriage to Queen Margaret
King Malcolm and David's brother Edward were killed at the river Aln during an invasion of Northumberland.
David and his two brothers Alexander
, both future kings of Scotland, were
probably present when their mother died shortly afterwards.
to later medieval tradition, the three brothers were in Edinburgh when they were besieged by their uncle, Donald Bane.
Donald became King of Scotland. It is not certain what happened
next, but an insertion in the Chronicle of Melrose
Donald forced his three nephews into exile, although he was allied
with another of his nephews, Edmund
. John of Fordun wrote, centuries
later, that an escort into England was arranged for them by their
maternal uncle Edgar
Intervention of William Rufus and English exile
, King of the English,
opposed Donald's accession to the northerly kingdom. He sent the
eldest son of Malcolm III, David's half-brother Donnchad
, into Scotland with an army.
Donnchad was killed within the year, and so in 1097 William sent
Donnchad's half-brother Edgar into Scotland. The latter was more
successful, and was crowned King by the end of 1097.
During the power struggle of 1093–97, David was in England. In
1093, he was probably about nine years old. From 1093 until 1103
David's presence cannot be accounted for in detail, but he appears
to have been in Scotland for the remainder of the 1090s. When
William Rufus was killed, his brother Henry Beauclerc
seized power and married
David's sister, Matilda
marriage made David the brother-in-law of the ruler of England.
From that point onwards, David was probably an important figure at
the English court. Despite his Gaelic background, by the end of his
stay in England, David had become a full-fledged Normanised prince.
William of Malmesbury
that it was in this period that David "rubbed off all tarnish of
Scottish barbarity through being polished by intercourse and
friendship with us".
Prince of the Cumbrians, 1113–1124
Map of David's principality of "the
David's time as Prince of the Cumbrians
beginning of his life as a great territorial lord. The year of
these beginnings was probably 1113, when Henry I arranged David's
marriage to Matilda,
Countess of Huntingdon
, who was the heiress to the
Huntingdon–Northampton lordship. As her husband, David used the
title of Earl , and there was the prospect that David's children by
her would inherit all the honours borne by Matilda's father
. 1113 is
the year when David, for the first time, can be found in possession
of territory in what is now Scotland.
Obtaining the inheritance
David's brother, King Edgar, had visited William Rufus in May 1099
and bequeathed to David extensive territory to the south of the
. On 8 January 1107, Edgar
died. It has been assumed that David took control of his inheritance
– the southern lands bequeathed by
Edgar – soon after the latter's death. However, it cannot be
shown that he possessed his inheritance until his foundation of
Abbey late in 1113.
According to Richard Oram
, it was only in 1113, when Henry
returned to England from Normandy, that David was at last in a
position to claim his inheritance in southern "Scotland".
King Henry's backing seems to have been enough to force King
Alexander to recognise his younger brother's claims. This probably
occurred without bloodshed, but through threat of force
nonetheless. David's aggression seems to have inspired resentment
amongst some native Scots. A Gaelic
quatrain from this period
|Olc a ndearna mac Mael Colaim,
||It's bad what Máel Coluim's son has done;,
|ar cosaid re hAlaxandir,
||dividing us from Alexander;
|do-ní le gach mac rígh romhaind,
||he causes, like each king's son before;
|foghail ar faras Albain.
||the plunder of stable Alba.
If "divided from" is anything to go by, this quatrain may have been
written in David's new territories in southern "Scotland".
in question consisted of the pre-1975
counties of Roxburghshire, Selkirkshire, Berwickshire, Peeblesshire and Lanarkshire.
David, moreover, gained the title
, "Prince of the Cumbrians
", as attested
in David's charters from this era. Although this was a large slice
of Scotland south of the river Forth, the region of Galloway-proper
was entirely outside David's control.
perhaps have had varying degrees of overlordship in parts of
Dumfriesshire, Ayrshire, Dunbartonshire and Renfrewshire.
In the lands between Galloway and the
Principality of Cumbria, David eventually set up large-scale
marcher lordships, such as Annandale
Robert de Brus, Cunningham
for Hugh de
Morville, and possibly Strathgryfe for Walter Fitzalan
In the later part of 1113, King Henry gave David the hand of
Matilda of Huntingdon, daughter and heiress of Waltheof, Earl of
. The marriage brought with it the "Honour of
Huntingdon", a lordship scattered through the shires of Northampton, Huntingdon, and Bedford; within a
few years, Matilda de Senlis bore a son, whom David named Henry after his patron.
The new territories which David controlled were a valuable
supplement to his income and manpower, increasing his status as one
of the most powerful magnates in the Kingdom of the English.
Matilda's father Waltheof had been Earl of Northumberland, a defunct
lordship which had covered the far north of England and included
Cumberland and Westmorland, Northumberland-proper, as well as overlordship of the bishopric of
After King Henry's death, David would revive the
claim to this earldom for his son Henry.
David's activities and whereabouts after 1114 are not always easy
to trace. He spent much of his time outside his principality, in
England and in Normandy. Despite the death of his sister on 1 May
1118, David still possessed the favour of King Henry when his
brother Alexander died in 1124, leaving Scotland without a
Political and military events in Scotland during David's
Michael Lynch and Richard Oram portray David as having little
initial connection with the culture and society of the Scots; but
both likewise argue that David became increasingly re-Gaelicised in
the later stages of his reign. Whatever the case, David's claim to
be heir to the Scottish kingdom was doubtful. David was the
youngest of eight sons of the fifth from last king. Two more recent
kings had produced sons. William
, son of King Donnchad II, and Máel Coluim
, son of the last
king Alexander, both preceded David in terms of the slowly emerging
principles of primogeniture
unlike David, neither William nor Máel Coluim had the support of
Henry. So when Alexander died in 1124, the aristocracy of Scotland
could either accept David as King, or face war with both David and
Coronation and struggle for the kingdom
Alexander's son Máel Coluim chose war. Orderic Vitalis
reported that Máel Coluim
mac Alaxandair "affected to snatch the kingdom from [David], and
fought against him two sufficiently fierce battles; but David, who
was loftier in understanding and in power and wealth, conquered him
and his followers". Máel Coluim escaped unharmed into areas of
Scotland not yet under David's control, and in those areas gained
shelter and aid.
April or May of the same year, David was crowned King of Scotland
(Gaelic: rí(gh) Alban;
Latin: rex Scottorum) at Scone.
later Scottish and Irish evidence can be taken at face value, the
ceremony of coronation was a series of elaborate traditional
rituals, of the kind infamous in the Anglo-French world of the 12th
century for their "unchristian" elements. Ailred of Rievaulx,
friend and one-time member of David's court, reported that David
"so abhorred those acts of homage which are offered by the Scottish
nation in the manner of their fathers upon the recent promotion of
their kings, that he was with difficulty compelled by the bishops
to receive them".
Outside his "Cumbrian" principality and the southern fringe of
Scotland-proper, David exercised little power in the 1120s, and in
the words of Richard Oram, was "king of Scots in little more than
name". He was probably in that part of Scotland he did rule for
most of the time between late 1127 and 1130. However, he was at
the court of Henry in 1126 and in early 1127, and returned to
Henry's court in 1130, serving as a judge at Woodstock for the treason trial of
Geoffrey de Clinton.
was in this year that David's wife, Matilda of Huntingdon, died.
Possibly as a result of this, and while David was still in southern
England, Scotland-proper rose up in arms against him.
The instigator was, again, his nephew Máel Coluim, who now had the
support of Óengus of Moray
King Óengus was David's most powerful "vassal", a man who, as
grandson of King Lulach of
, even had his own claim to the kingdom. The rebel Scots had
advanced into Angus, where they
were met by David's Mercian constable, Edward; a battle took place at Stracathro near Brechin.
According to the Annals of Ulster
, 1000 of Edward's
army, and 4000 of Óengus' army – including Óengus himself –
According to Orderic Vitalis, Edward followed up the killing of
Óengus by marching north into Moray itself, which, in Orderic's
words, "lacked a defender and lord"; and so Edward, "with God's
help obtained the entire duchy of that extensive district".
However, this was far from the end of it. Máel Coluim escaped, and
four years of continuing "civil war" followed; for David this
period was quite simply a "struggle for survival".
It appears that David asked for and obtained extensive military aid
from his patron, King Henry. Ailred of Rievaulx related that at
this point a large fleet and a large army of Norman knights,
including Walter l'Espec, were sent by Henry to Carlisle in order
to assist David's attempt to root out his Scottish enemies.
seems to have been used in the Irish Sea, the Firth of Clyde and the entire Argyll coast, where
Máel Coluim was probably at large among supporters.
Máel Coluim was captured and imprisoned in Roxburgh
Since modern historians no longer confuse
him with Malcolm MacHeth
, it is
clear that nothing more is ever heard of Máel Coluim mac Alaxadair,
except perhaps that his sons were later allied with Somerled
Pacification of the west and north
Oram puts forward the suggestion that it was during this period
that David granted Walter fitz Alan the kadrez of Strathgryfe, with northern Kyle and the area around Renfrew, forming what would become the "Stewart" lordship
of Strathgryfe; he also suggests that Hugh de Morville may have
gained the kadrez of Cunningham
and the settlement of "Strathyrewen" (i.e. Irvine).
This would indicate that the 1130–34
campaign had resulted in the acquisition of these
How long it took to pacify Moray is not known, but in this period
David appointed his nephew William
to succeed Óengus, perhaps in compensation for the
exclusion from the succession to the Scottish throne caused by the
coming of age of David's son Henry
. William may have been given the
daughter of Óengus in marriage, cementing his authority in the
region. The burghs of Elgin and Forres may have
been founded at this point, consolidating royal authority in
Moray. David also founded Urquhart
Priory, possibly as a "victory monastery", and assigned to
it a percentage of his cain (tribute)
During this period too, a marriage was arranged between the son of
Matad, Mormaer of Atholl
and the daughter of Haakon Paulsson
Earl of Orkney
. The marriage
temporarily secured the northern frontier of the Kingdom, and held
out the prospect that a son of one of David's Mormaers could gain Orkney and
Caithness for the Kingdom of Scotland.
Thus, by the
time Henry I died on 1 December 1135, David had more of Scotland
under his control than ever before.
Dominating the north
While fighting King Stephen
attempting to dominate northern England in the years following
1136, David was continuing his drive for control of the far north
of Scotland. In 1139, his cousin, the five-year-old Harald Maddadsson
, was given the title of
"Earl" and half the lands of the earldom of Orkney
, in addition to Scottish
Caithness. Throughout the 1140s Caithness and Sutherland were
brought back under the Scottish zone of control. Sometime before 1146
David appointed a native Scot called Aindréas to be the first Bishop of Caithness, a bishopric which
was based at Halkirk, near Thurso, in an area
which was ethnically Scandinavian.
In 1150, it looked like Caithness and the whole earldom of Orkney
were going to come under permanent Scottish control. However,
David's plans for the north soon began to encounter problems. In
1151, King Eystein II of Norway
put a spanner in the works by sailing through the waterways of
Orkney with a large fleet and catching the young Harald unawares in
his residence at Thurso. Eystein forced Harald to pay fealty
as a condition of his release. Later in the
year David hastily responded by supporting the claims to the Orkney
earldom of Harald's rival Erlend
, granting him half of Caithness in opposition to
Harald. King Eystein responded in turn by making a similar grant to
this same Erlend, cancelling the effect of David's grant. David's
weakness in Orkney was that the Norwegian kings were not prepared
to stand back and let him reduce their power.
David's relationship with England and the English crown in these
years is usually interpreted in two ways. Firstly, his actions are
understood in relation to his connections with the King of England.
No historian is likely to deny that David's early career was
largely manufactured by King Henry I of England. David was the
latter's "greatest protégé", one of Henry's "new men". His
hostility to Stephen can be interpreted as an effort to uphold the
intended inheritance of Henry I, the succession of his daughter,
, the former Empress of the
Holy Roman Empire. David carried out his wars in her name, joined
her when she arrived in England, and later knighted her son, the
future Henry II
However, David's policy towards England can be interpreted in an
additional way. David was the independence-loving king trying to
build a "Scoto-Northumbrian" realm by seizing the most northerly
parts of the English kingdom. In this perspective, David's support
for Matilda is used as a pretext for land-grabbing. David's
maternal descent from the House of
and his son Henry's maternal descent from the English
Earls of Northumberland is thought to have further encouraged such
a project, a project which came to an end only after Henry II
ordered David's child successor Máel
to hand over the most important of David's gains. It
is clear that neither one of these interpretations can be taken
without some weight being given to the other.
Usurpation of Stephen and First Treaty of Durham
Henry I had arranged his inheritance to pass to his daughter
. Instead, Stephen
, younger brother of Theobald II, Count of Blois
seized the throne. David had been the first lay person to take the
oath to uphold the succession of Matilda in 1127, and when Stephen
was crowned on 22 December 1135, David decided to make war.
December was over, David marched into northern England, and by the
end of January he had occupied the castles of Carlisle, Wark, Alnwick, Norham and
By February David was at Durham, but an
army led by King Stephen met him there. Rather than fight a pitched
battle, a treaty was agreed whereby David would retain Carlisle,
while David's son Henry was re-granted the title and half the lands
of the earldom of Huntingdon, territory which had been confiscated
during David's revolt. On Stephen's side he received back the other
castles; and while David would do no homage, Stephen was to receive
the homage of Henry for both Carlisle and the other English
territories. Stephen also gave the rather worthless but for David
face-saving promise that if he ever chose to resurrect the defunct
earldom of Northumberland, Henry would be given first
consideration. Importantly, the issue of Matilda was not mentioned.
However, the first Durham treaty quickly broke down after David
took insult at the treatment of his son Henry at Stephen's
Renewal of war and Clitheroe
When the winter of 1136–37 was over, David again invaded England.
The King of the Scots confronted a northern English army waiting
for him at Newcastle. Once more pitched battle was avoided, and
instead a truce was agreed until November. When November fell,
David demanded that Stephen hand over the whole of the old earldom
of Northumberland. Stephen's refusal led to David's third invasion,
this time in January 1138.
The army which invaded England in January and February 1138 shocked
the English chroniclers. Richard of
called it "an execrable army, savager than any race of
heathen yielding honour to neither God nor man" and that it
"harried the whole province and slaughtered everywhere folk of
either sex, of every age and condition, destroying, pillaging and
burning the vills, churches and houses". Several doubtful stories
of cannibalism were recorded by chroniclers, and these same
chroniclers paint a picture of routine enslavings, as well as
killings of churchmen, women and infants.
By February King Stephen marched north to deal with David. The two
armies avoided each other, and Stephen was soon on the road south.
summer David split his army into two forces, sending William fitz
Duncan to march into Lancashire, where he harried Furness
On 10 June, William fitz
Duncan met a force of knights and men-at-arms. A pitched battle took
place, the battle of
Clitheroe, and the English army was routed.
Battle of the Standard and Second Treaty of Durham
By later July, 1138, the two Scottish armies had reunited in "St
Cuthbert's land", that is, in the lands controlled by the Bishop of Durham
, on the far side of the
. Another English army had
mustered to meet the Scots, this time led by William, Earl of Aumale
. The victory
at Clitheroe was probably what inspired David to risk battle.
force, apparently 26,000 strong and several times larger than the
English army, met the English on 22 August at Cowdon Moor near
Battle of the
Standard, as the encounter came to be called, was a defeat
for the Scots.
Afterwards, David and his surviving notables
retired to Carlisle. Although the result was a defeat, it was not
by any means decisive. David retained the bulk of his army and thus
the power to go on the offensive again. The siege of Wark, for
instance, which had been going on since January, continued until it
was captured in November. David continued to occupy Cumberland as well as much of Northumberland.
On 26 September Cardinal Alberic
Bishop of Ostia
, arrived at Carlisle
where David had called together his kingdom's nobles, abbots and
bishops. Alberic was there to investigate the controversy over the
issue of the Bishop of Glasgow's allegiance or non-allegiance to
the Archbishop of York. Alberic played the role of peace-broker,
and David agreed to a six week truce which excluded the siege of
Wark. On 9 April David and Stephen's wife Matilda of Boulogne
met each other at
Durham and agreed a settlement. David's son Henry was given the earldom of
Northumberland and was restored to the earldom of Huntingdon and
lordship of Doncaster; David himself was allowed to keep Carlisle and
Cumberland. King Stephen was to retain possession of the
strategically vital castles of Bamburgh and Newcastle.
This effectively fulfilled
all of David's war aims.
Arrival of Matilda and the renewal of conflict
The settlement with Stephen was not set to last long. The arrival
in England of the Empress Matilda gave David an opportunity to
renew the conflict with Stephen. In either May or June, David travelled to
the south of England and entered Matilda's company; he was present
for her expected coronation at Westminster Abbey, though this never took place. David was there until
September, when the Empress found herself surrounded at Winchester.
This civil war, or "the Anarchy
" as it
was later called, enabled David to strengthen his own position in
northern England. While David consolidated his hold on his own and
his son's newly acquired lands, he also sought to expand his
influence. The castles at Newcastle and Bamburgh were
again brought under his control, and he attained dominion over all
of England north-west of the river Ribble and Pennines, while holding
the north-east as far south as the river Tyne, on the borders of
the core territory of the bishopric of Durham.
While his son
brought all the senior barons of Northumberland into his entourage,
David rebuilt the fortress of Carlisle. Carlisle quickly replaced
Roxburgh as his favoured residence. David's acquisition of the mines at
Alston on the
South Tyne enabled him to begin minting
the Kingdom of Scotland's first
silver coinage. David, meanwhile, issued charters to
Abbey in respect to their lands in Lancashire.
Bishopric of Durham and the Archbishopric of York
However, David's successes were in many ways balanced by his
failures. David's greatest disappointment during this time was his
inability to ensure control of the bishopric of Durham and the
archbishopric of York. David had attempted to appoint his
chancellor, William Comyn, to the bishopric of Durham, which had
been vacant since the death of Bishop Geoffrey Rufus
in 1140. Between 1141 and
1143, Comyn was the de facto
bishop, and had control of
the bishop's castle; but he was resented by the chapter
. Despite controlling the town of
Durham, David's only hope of ensuring his election and consecration
was gaining the support of the Papal legate, Henry of Blois
, Bishop of Winchester
and brother of
King Stephen. Despite obtaining the support of the Empress Matilda,
David was unsuccessful and had given up by the time William de St Barbara
was elected to
the see in 1143.
David also attempted to interfere in the succession to the
archbishopric of York. William
, nephew of King Stephen, found his position
undermined by the collapsing political fortune of Stephen in the
north of England, and was deposed by the Pope. David used his
Cistercian connections to build a bond with Henry Murdac
, the new archbishop. Despite the
support of Pope Eugenius III
supporters of King Stephen and William FitzHerbert managed to
prevent Henry taking up his post at York. In 1149, Henry had sought
the support of David. David seized on the opportunity to bring the
archdiocese under his control, and marched on the city. However,
Stephen's supporters became aware of David's intentions, and
informed King Stephen. Stephen therefore marched to the city and
installed a new garrison. David decided not to risk such an
engagement and withdrew. Richard Oram has conjectured that David's
ultimate aim was to bring the whole of the ancient kingdom of
Northumbria into his dominion.
For Oram, this event was
the turning point, "the chance to radically redraw the political
map of the British Isles lost forever".
Steel engraving and enhancement of the
obverse side of the Great Seal of David I, portraying David in the
"European" fashion the other-worldly maintainer of peace and
defender of justice.
Historical treatment of David I and the Scottish church usually
emphasises David's pioneering role as the instrument of diocesan
reorganisation and Norman penetration, beginning with the bishopric of Glasgow
while David was
Prince of the Cumbrians, and continuing further north after David
acceded to the throne of Scotland. Focus too is usually given to
his role as the defender of the Scottish church's independence from
claims of overlordship by the Archbishop of York
and the Archbishop of Canterbury
Innovations in the church system
It was once held that Scotland's episcopal sees and entire
parochial system owed its origins to the innovations of David I.
Today, scholars have moderated this view. Ailred of Rievaulx
wrote in David's
eulogy that when David came to power, "he found three or four
bishops in the whole Scottish kingdom [north of the Forth], and the
others wavering without a pastor to the loss of both morals and
property; when he died, he left nine, both of ancient bishoprics
which he himself restored, and new ones which he erected".
David moved the bishopric of Mortlach east to his new burgh of Aberdeen, and arranged the
creation of the diocese of Caithness, no other bishoprics can be
safely called David's creation.
The bishopric of Glasgow
restored rather than resurrected. David appointed his reform-minded
French chaplain John
bishopric and carried out an inquest
afterwards assigning to the bishopric all the lands of his
principality, except those in the east which were already governed
by the Bishop of St Andrews
David was at least partly responsible for forcing semi-monastic
"bishoprics" like Brechin
, Mortlach (Aberdeen) and
to become fully
episcopal and firmly integrated into a national diocesan
As for the development of the parochial system, David's traditional
role as its creator can not be sustained. Scotland already had an
ancient system of parish churches dating to the Early Middle Ages
, and the kind of system
introduced by David's Normanising tendencies can more accurately be
seen as mild refashioning, rather than creation; he made the
Scottish system as a whole more like that of France and England,
but he did not create it.
One of the first problems David had to deal with as king was an
ecclesiastical dispute with the English church. The problem with the
English church concerned the subordination of Scottish sees to the
archbishops of York and/or Canterbury, an issue which since his
election in 1124 had prevented Robert of
Scone from being consecrated to the see of St Andrews (Cell Ríghmonaidh).
It is likely that since
the 11th century the bishopric of St Andrews functioned as a de
archbishopric. The title of "Archbishop" is accorded in
Scottish and Irish sources to Bishop Giric
and Bishop Fothad II
The problem was that this archiepiscopal status had not been
cleared with the papacy, opening the way for English archbishops to
claim overlordship of the whole Scottish church. The man
responsible was the new aggressively assertive Archbishop of York,
. His easiest target was the
bishopric of Glasgow, which being south of the river Forth
was not regarded as part of Scotland
nor the jurisdiction of St Andrews. In 1125, Pope Honorius II
wrote to John, Bishop of
Glasgow ordering him to submit to the archbishopric of York. David
ordered Bishop John of Glasgow to travel to the Apostolic See
in order to secure a pallium
which would elevate the bishopric of St Andrews
archbishopric with jurisdiction over Glasgow.
Thurstan travelled to Rome, as did the Archbishop of Canterbury,
William de Corbeil
, and both
presumably opposed David's request. David however gained the
support of King Henry, and the Archbishop of York agreed to a
year's postponement of the issue and to consecrate Robert of Scone
without making an issue of subordination. York's claim over bishops
north of the Forth were in practice abandoned for the rest of
David's reign, although York maintained her more credible claims
In 1151, David again requested a pallium for the Archbishop of St
Andrews. Cardinal John Paparo met David at his residence of
Carlisle in September 1151. Tantalisingly for David, the Cardinal
was on his way to Ireland with four pallia
to create four
new Irish archbishoprics. When the Cardinal returned to Carlisle,
David made the request. In David's plan, the new archdiocese would
include all the bishoprics in David's Scottish territory, as well
as bishopric of Orkney
bishopric of the Isles
Unfortunately for David, the Cardinal does not appear to have
brought the issue up with the papacy. In the following year the
papacy dealt David another blow by creating the archbishopric of
Trondheim, a new Norwegian archbishopric embracing the bishoprics
of the Isles and Orkney.
Succession and death
Perhaps the greatest blow to David's plans came on 12 July 1152
when Henry, Earl of Northumberland, David's only son and successor,
died. He had probably been suffering from some kind of illness for
a long time. David had under a year to live, and he may have known
that he was not going to be alive much longer. David quickly
arranged for his grandson Máel Coluim
be made his successor, and for his younger grandson William
to be made Earl of
Northumberland. Donnchad I,
Mormaer of Fife
, the senior magnate in Scotland-proper, was
appointed as rector
, or regent
took the 11 year-old Máel Coluim around Scotland-proper on a tour
to meet and gain the homage of his future Gaelic subjects. David's
health began to fail seriously in the Spring of 1153, and on 24 May
1153, David died. In his obituary in the Annals of Tigernach
, he is called
Dabíd mac Mail Colaim, rí Alban & Saxan
, "David, son
of Máel Coluim, King of Scotland and England", a title which
acknowledged the importance of the new English part of David's
The earliest assessments of David I portray him as a pious king, a
reformer and a civilising agent in a barbarian nation. For William
of Newburgh, David was a "King not barbarous of a barbarous
nation", who "wisely tempered the fierceness of his barbarous
nation". William praises David for his piety, noting that, among
other saintly activities, "he was frequent in washing the feet of
the poor". Another of David's eulogists, his former courtier
Ailred of Rievaulx
Newburgh's assertions and praises David for his justice as well as
his piety, commenting that David's rule of the Scots meant that
"the whole barbarity of that nation was softened ... as if
forgetting their natural fierceness they submitted their necks to
the laws which the royal gentleness dictated".
Although avoiding stress on 12th century Scottish "barbarity", the
Lowland Scottish historians of the later Middle Ages tend to repeat
the accounts of earlier chronicle tradition. Much that was written
was either directly transcribed from the earlier medieval
chronicles themselves or was modelled closely upon them, even in
the significant works of John of
, Andrew Wyntoun
. For example, Bower
includes in his text the eulogy written for David by Ailred of
Rievaulx. This quotation extends to over twenty pages in the modern
edition, and exerted a great deal of influence over what became the
traditional view of David in later works about Scottish history.
Historical treatment of David developed in the writings of later
Scottish historians, and the writings of men like John Mair
, Hector Boece
, and Bishop
ensured that by the 18th
century a picture of David as a pious, justice-loving state-builder
and vigorous maintainer of Scottish independence had emerged.
Steel engraving and enhancement of the reverse side of the Great
Seal of David I, a picture in the Anglo-Continental style depicting
David as a warrior leader.
In the modern period there has been more of an emphasis on David's
statebuilding and on the effects of his changes on Scottish
cultural development. Lowland Scots tended to trace the origins of
their culture to the marriage of David's father Máel Coluim III to
, a myth
which had its origins in the medieval period. With the development
of modern historical techniques in the mid-19th century,
responsibility for these developments appeared to lie more with
David than his father. David assumed a principal place in the
alleged destruction of the Celtic
Kingdom of Scotland
. Andrew Lang, in 1900, wrote that "with
Alexander [I], Celtic domination ends; with David, Norman and
English dominance is established".
The ages of Enlightenment
had elevated the role of
races and "ethnic packages" into mainstream history, and in this
context David was portrayed as hostile to the native Scots, and his
reforms were seen in the light of natural, perhaps even justified,
civilised Teutonic aggression towards the backward Celts.
In the 20th century, several studies were devoted to Normanisation
in 12th century Scotland, focusing upon and hence emphasising the
changes brought about by the reign of David I. Græme Ritchie's
The Normans in Scotland
(1954), Archie Duncan
's Scotland: The Making of
(1974) and the many articles of G. W.
all formed part of this
In the 1980s, Barrow sought a compromise between change and
continuity, and argued that the reign of King David was in fact a
"Balance of New and Old". Such a conclusion was a natural
incorporation of an underlying current in Scottish historiography
which, since William F.
's monumental and
revolutionary three-volume Celtic Scotland: A History of
(1876–80), had been forced to acknowledge that
"Celtic Scotland" was alive and healthy for a long time after the
reign of David I. Michael Lynch followed and built upon Barrow's
compromise solution, arguing that as David’s reign progressed, his
kingship became more Celtic. Despite its subtitle, in 2004 in the
only full volume study of David I's reign yet produced, David
I: The King Who Made Scotland
, its author Richard Oram
further builds upon Lynch's
picture, stressing continuity while placing the changes of David's
reign in their context.
Silver penny of David I.
However, while there may be debate about the importance or extent
of the historical change
I's era, no historian doubts that it was taking place. The reason
is what Barrow and Lynch both call the "Davidian Revolution".
David's "revolution" is held to underpin the development of later
medieval Scotland, whereby the changes he inaugurated grew into
most of the central institutions of the later medieval
Since Robert Bartlett
pioneering work, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization
and Cultural Change, 950–1350
(1993), reinforced by Moore's
The First European Revolution, c.970–1215
(2000), it has
become increasingly apparent that better understanding of David's
"revolution" can be achieved by recognising the wider "European
revolution" taking place during this period. The central idea is
that from the late 10th century onwards the culture and
institutions of the old Carolingian
heartlands in northern France and
western Germany were spreading to outlying areas, creating a more
Scotland was just one of many
Government and feudalism
The widespread enfeoffment of foreign knights and the processes by
which land ownership
from customary tenures
otherwise legally-defined relationships, would revolutionise the
way the Kingdom of Scotland was governed, as did the dispersal and
installation of royal agents in the new mottes
that were proliferating throughout
the realm to staff newly-created sheriffdoms and judiciaries for
the twin purposes of law
Scotland further into the "European" model.
Scotland in this period experienced innovations in governmental
practices and the importation of foreign, mostly French
. It is
to David's reign that the beginnings of feudalism
are generally assigned. This is defined
as "castle-building, the regular use of professional cavalry, the
knight's fee" as well as "homage and fealty". David established
large scale feudal lordships in the west of his Cumbrian
principality for the leading members of the French military
entourage who kept him in power. Additionally, many smaller scale
feudal lordships were created.
Steps were taken during David's reign to make the government of
that part of Scotland he administered more like the government of
Anglo-Norman England. New sheriffdoms
enabled the King to effectively administer royal demesne
land. During his reign,
royal sheriffs were established in the king's core personal
territories; namely, in rough chronological order, at Roxburgh, Scone, Berwick-upon-Tweed, Stirling and Perth.
too was created in
David's reign. Although this institution had Anglo-Norman origins,
in Scotland north of the Forth at least, it represented some form
of continuity with an older office.
revenue of his English earldom and the proceeds of the silver mines
at Alston allowed
David to produce Scotland's first coinage.
These altered the
nature of trade and transformed his political image.
David was a great town builder. As Prince of the Cumbrians, David founded
the first two burghs of "Scotland", at
Roxburgh and Berwick.
Burghs were settlements with
defined boundaries and guaranteed trading rights, locations where
the king could collect and sell the products of his cain
(a payment made in lieu
the king hospitality
). David founded
around 15 burghs.
Perhaps nothing in David's reign compares in importance to burghs.
While they could not, at first, have amounted to much more than the
nucleus of an immigrant merchant
class, nothing would do more to reshape
the long-term economic and ethnic shape of Scotland than the burgh.
These planned towns were or became English
in culture and language; William of Newburgh
wrote in the reign
of King William the Lion
"the towns and burghs of the Scottish realm are known to be
inhabited by English"; as well as transforming the economy, the
failure of these towns to go native would in the long term
undermine the position of the native Scottish language
birth to the idea of the Scottish
David was one of medieval Scotland's greatest monastic patrons.
in perhaps David's first act as Prince of the Cumbrians, he founded
Abbey for the Tironensians.
David founded more than a
dozen new monasteries in his reign, patronising various new
Not only were such monasteries an expression of David's undoubted
piety, but they also functioned to transform Scottish society.
Monasteries became centres of foreign influence,, and provided
sources of literate
men, able to serve the
crown's growing administrative needs. These new monasteries, and
the Cistercian ones in particular, introduced new agricultural
practices. Cistercian labour, for instance, transformed southern
Scotland into one of northern Europe's most important sources of
- Modern Scottish Gaelic has effectively
dropped the Máel in Máel Coluim (meaning
"tonsured devotee of
Columba"), so that the
name is just Colum or Calum (meaning "Columba");
the name was borrowed into non Gaelic languages before this change
- Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 49.
- Malcolm seems to have had two sons before he married Margaret,
presumably by Ingibiorg Finnsdottir. King Duncan II
was one, and there was another called Domnall who died in 1085, see
of Ulster, s.a. 1085.2, here; see also Oram, David, p. 23; and
Duncan, The Kingship of the Scots, p. 55; the possibility
that Máel Coluim had another son, also named Máel Coluim, is open,
G. W. S. Barrow, "Malcolm III (d. 1093)".
- Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p.
- See A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 114, n. 1.
- E.g. John Fordun, Chronica gentis Scotorum, II.
- Oram, David, p. 40.
- A.O. Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 89.
- John Fordun, Chronica gentis Scotorum, II.
- Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, s.a. 1094; A.O.
Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 118; see also A.O. Anderson,
Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 90–1.
- Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, s.a. 1097; A.O.
Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 119.
- Oram, David, p. 49.
- For David's upbringing and transformation of fortune at the
Anglo-Norman court, see the partially hypothetical account in Oram,
David, pp. 59–72.
- William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, W. Stubbs
(ed.), Rolls Series, no. 90, vol. ii, p. 476; trans. A.O.
Anderson, Scottish Annals, (1908), p. 157.
- Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, pp.
- Judith Green, "David I and Henry I", p. 3. She cites the gap in
knowledge about David's whereabouts as evidence; for a brief
outline of David's itinerary, see Barrow, The Charters of David
I, pp. 38–41
- See Oram, David, pp. 60–2; Duncan, The Kingship of
the Scots, pp. 60–4.
- For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 59–63.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, (1908), p. 193.
- Thomas Owen Clancy, The Triumph Tree, p.184; full
treatment of this is given in Clancy, "A Gaelic Polemic Quatrain
from the Reign of Alexander I, ca. 1113" in: Scottish Gaelic
Studies vol.20 (2000), pp. 88–96.
- Clancy, "A Gaelic Polemic Quatrain", p. 88.
- For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 62–64; for
Princeps Cumbrensis, see Archibald Lawrie, Early
Scottish Charters Prior to A.D. 1153, (Glasgow, 1905), no.
- Richard Oram, The Lordship of Galloway, (Edinburgh,
2000), pp. 54–61; see also following references.
- See, for instance, Dauvit Broun, "The Welsh Identity of the
Kingdom of Strathclyde", in The Innes Review, Vol. 55, no.
2 (Autumn, 2004), pp. 138–40, n. 117; see also Forte, Oram, &
Pedersen, The Viking Empires, (Cambridge, 2005), pp.
- E.g., Oram, David, p. 113, also n. 7.
- G. W. S. Barrow, "David I (c. 1085–1153)".
- For all this, see Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the
Kingdom, pp. 134, 217–8, 223; see also, for Durham and part of
the earldom of Northumberland in the eyes of Earl Henry, Paul
Dalton, "Scottish Influence on Durham, 1066–1214", in David
Rollason, Margaret Harvey & Michael Prestwich (eds.),
Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, pp. 349–351; see also G.
W. S. Barrow, "The Kings of Scotland and Durham", in Rollason
et al. (eds.), Anglo-Norman Durham, p. 318.
- Oram, David, pp. 69–72.
- Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 79; Oram,
David, pp. 75–6.
- Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 83; Oram,
David, esp. for instance, pp. 96, 126.
- Oram, David, pp. 70–2.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 158.
- Oram, David, pp. 84–5.
- Chibnall, Anglo-Norman Studies, p. 33
- John Bannerman, "The Kings Poet", pp. 120–49.
- John J. O'Meara (ed.), Gerald of Wales: The History and
Topography of Ireland, (London, 1951), p. 110.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 232.
- Oram, David, p. 87.
- Oram, David, p. 83.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 163–3.
- Oram, David, p. 84.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 167.
- Annals of Ulster, s.a. U1130.4, here ( trans)
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 167; Anderson uses
the word "earldom", but Orderic used the word ducatum,
- Oram, David, p. 88.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 193–4; see also
Oram, David, p. 86.
- A.O. Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 183.
- Ross, "Identity of the Prisoner at Roxburgh"
- For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 93–6.
- For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 93–6; Oram also
believes that the burghs of Auldearn and Inverness may also have been founded at this time,
but it is more usual to ascribe these to the reign of David's
grandson William the Lion; see, for instance,
McNeill, Peter & MacQueen, Hector (eds), Atlas of Scottish
History to 1707, (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 196–8.
- Oram, David, pp. 91–3.
- Oram, David, p. 119.
- Richard Oram, "David I and the Conquest of Moray", p. 11.
- John Dowden, The Bishops of Scotland, ed. J. Maitland
Thomson, (Glasgow, 1912), p. 232; Kenneth Jackson, The Gaelic
Notes in the Book of Deer: The Osborn Bergin Memorial Lecture
1970, (Cambridge, 1972), p. 80.
- Oram, David, p. 199–200.
- Oram, Lordship of Galloway, pp. 59, 63.
- Kapelle, Norman Conquest, pp. 202–3.
- Stringer, Reign of Stephen, 28–37; Stringer,
"State-Building in Twelfth-Century Britain", pp. 40–62; Green,
"Anglo-Scottish Relations", pp. 53–72; Kapelle, Norman Conquest
of the North, pp. 141ff; Blanchard, "Lothian and Beyond", pp.
- Historians such as Stringer, Kapelle, Green and Blanchard (see
previous note), emphasize David's role as an English magnate, while
not denying his ambition; a middle line is perhaps Oram's supposed
quest for a "Scoto-Northumbrian realm", David, pp. 121–44,
- M.T. Clancy, England and its Rulers, pp. 84–5; Robert
Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, p.
- Oram, David, pp. 121–3.
- Oram, David, pp. 122–5.
- Oram, David, pp. 126–7.
- e.g. accounts of Richard of Hexham and Ailred of Rievaulx in
A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 180, & n. 4.
- e.g. Richard of Hexham, John of Worcester and John of Hexham at
A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 181.
- Oram, David, pp. 132–3.
- Oram, David, pp. 136–7; A. O. Anderson, Early
Sources, p. 190.
- Oram, David, pp. 140–4.
- Oram, David, pp. 170–2.
- Oram, David, p. 179.
- For David's struggle for control over Durham see Oram,
David, pp. 169–75.
- For David's struggle for control over York, see pp. 186–9.
- Oram, David, p. 189.
- A. O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 233.
- Oram, David, p. 158; Duncan, Making of the
Kingdom, pp. 257–60; see also Gordon Donaldson, "Scottish
Bishop's Sees", pp. 106–17.
- Shead, "Origins of the Medieval Diocese of Glasgow", pp.
- Oram, David, p. 62.
- To a certain extent, the boundaries of David's Cumbrian
Principality are conjecture on the basis of the boundaries of the
diocese of Glasgow; Oram, David, pp. 67–8.
- Barrow, Kingship and Unity, pp. 67–8
- Ian B. Cowan wrote that "the principle steps were taken during
the reign of David I": Ian B. Cowan, "Development of the Parochial
System", p. 44.
- Thomas Owen Clancy, "Annat and the Origins of the Parish", pp.
- Dauvit Broun, "Recovering the Full Text of Version A of the
Foundation Legend", pp. 108–14.
- AU 1093.2, text & English translation; see also Alan Orr Anderson,
Early Sources , p. 49
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 160–1.
- Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 259;
Oram, David, p. 49.
- Duncan, Making of the Kingdom, p. 260; John Dowden,
Bishops of Scotland, (Glasgow, ), ed. J. Maitland Thomson,
(Glasgow, 1912) pp. 4–5.
- Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp.
- Oram, David, p. 155.
- Oram, David, pp. 200–2; G. W. S. Barrow, "David I
(c.1085–1153)", gives date as 24 May.
- Annals of Tigernach, s.a. 1153.4,
- A. O. Anderson, Early Sources, p. 231.
- A. O. Anderson, Early Sources, pp. 232–3
- Felix J. H. Skene & William Forbes Skene (ed.), John of
Fordun's Chronicle of the Scottish Nation, (Edinburgh, 1872),
200ff.; Donaldson, The Sources of Scottish History, p. 34:
"...at what point its information about Scotland should receive
credence is far from clear". Though Wyntoun, Fordun and Bower may
have had access to documents which are no longer extant, much of
their information is either duplicated in other records or cannot
be corroborated; for a survey of David's historical reputation, see
Oram, David, pp. 203–25.
- John MacQueen, Winnifred MacQueen and D. E. R. Watt (eds.),
Scotichronicon by Walter Bower, vol. 3, (Aberdeen, 1995),
- Oram, David, pp. 213–7.
- See, for instance, Steve Boardman, "Late Medieval Scotland and
the Matter of Britain", in Edward J. Cowan and Richard J. Finlay
(eds.), Scottish History: The Power of the Past, (Edinburgh, 2002),
- Quoted in Oram, David, p. 219, citing Lang, A
History of Scotland, vol. 1, pp. 102–9; Lang did not neglect
the old myth about Margaret, writing of the Northumbrian refugees
arriving in Scotland "where they became the sires of the sturdy
Lowland race", Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. 1, p.
- See Matthew H. Hammond, "Ethnicity and the Writing of Medieval
Scottish history", pp. 1–27.; see also, Murray G.H. Pittock's work,
Celtic Identity and the British Image, (Manchester, 1999),
and Oram, David, pp. 219–20.
- Græme Ritchie, The Normans in Scotland, (Edinburgh,
1954); Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp.
133–73; most of Barrow's most important essays have been collected
in two volumes, Scotland and Its Neighbours In the Middle
Ages, (London, 1992) and The Kingdom of the Scots:
Government, Church and Society from the eleventh century to the
fourteenth century, 2nd edn. (Edinburgh, 2003).
- Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", passim.
- William Forbes Skene, Celtic Scotland: A History of Ancient
Alban, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1876–80); see also, Edward J.
Cowan, "The Invention of Celtic Scotland", pp. 1–23.
- Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 82–83.
- Oram, David I, (Stroud, 2004).
- Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", pp. 9–11; Lynch,
Scotland: A New History, p. 80.
- Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", p. 13.
- Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 24–59; Moore,
The First European Revolution, c.970–1215, p. 30ff; see
also Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", passim, esp. 9;
this idea of "Europe" seems in practice to mean "Western
- Haidu, The Subject Medieval/Modern, p. 181; Moore,
The First European Revolution, p. 57.
- Barrow, "Balance of New and Old", pp. 9–11.
- "The Beginnings of Military Feudalism"; Oram, "David I and the
Conquest of Moray", p. & n. 43; see also, L. Toorians,
"Twelfth-century Flemish Settlement in Scotland", pp. 1–14.
- McNeill & MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History p.
- See Barrow, G.W.S., "The Judex", pp. 57–67 and "The
Justiciar", pp. 68–111.
- Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, pp. 193,
195; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 287: "The minting
of coins and the issue of written dispositions changed the
political culture of the societies in which the new practices
- Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p.
- See G.W.S. Barrow, Kingship and Unity, pp. 84–104; see
also, Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", pp. 66–9.
- Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", p. 67. Numbering
is uncertain; Perth may date to the reign of Alexander I; Inverness
is a case were the foundation may date later, but may date to the
period of David I: see for instance the blanket statement that
Inverness dates to David I's reign in Derek Hall, Burgess,
Merchant and Priest, compare Richard Oram, David, p.
93, where it is acknowledged that this is merely a possibility, to
A.A.M. Duncan, The Making of the Kingdom, p. 480, who
quotes a charter indicating that the burgh dates to the reign of
William the Lion.
- A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 256.
- Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", 1100–1300", p. 67;
Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 64–6; Thomas
Owen Clancy, "History of Gaelic", here
- Oram, David, p. 62; Duncan, Making of a
Kingdom, p. 145.
- Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp.
145–150; Duncan, "The Foundation of St Andrews Cathedral Priory",
pp. 25, 27–8; Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp.
- Peter Yeoman, Medieval Scotland, p. 15.
- Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 17.
- See, for instance, Stringer, The Reformed Church in
Medieval Galloway and Cumbria, pp. 9–11; Fawcett & Oram,
Melrose Abbey, p. 17; Duncan, The Making of a
Kingdom, p. 148.
- Anderson, Alan Orr (ed.),
Early Sources of Scottish History: AD 500–1286, 2 Vols,
- idem (ed.), Scottish Annals from English Chroniclers: AD
500–1286, (London, 1908), republished, Marjorie Anderson (ed.) (Stamford,
- Barrow, G. W. S. (ed.),
The Acts of Malcolm IV King of Scots 1153–1165, Together with
Scottish Royal Acts Prior to 1153 not included in Sir Archibald
Lawrie's '"Early Scottish Charters' , in Regesta
Regum Scottorum, Volume I, (Edinburgh, 1960), introductory
text, pp. 3–128
- idem (ed.), The Acts of William I King of Scots
1165–1214 in Regesta Regum Scottorum, Volume II,
- idem (ed.), The Charters of King David I: The Written acts
of David I King of Scots, 1124–1153 and of His Son Henry Earl of
Northumberland, 1139–1152, (Woodbridge, 1999)
- Clancy, Thomas Owen (ed.),
The Triumph Tree: Scotland's Earliest Poetry, 550–1350,
- Donaldson, G. (ed.), Scottish Historical Documents,
- Freeland, Jane Patricia (tr.), and Dutton, Marsha L. (ed.),
Aelred of Rievaulx : the lives of the northern saints,
(Cistercian Fathers series 56, Kalamazoo, 2005),
- Forbes-Leith, William (ed.), Turgot, Life of St Margaret,
Queen of Scotland, (Edinburgh, 1884)
- Lawrie, Sir Archibald (ed.), Early Scottish Charters Prior
to A.D. 1153, (Glasgow, 1905)
- MacQueen, John, MacQueen, Winifred and Watt, D. E. R., (eds.),
Scotichronicon by Walter Bower, vol. 3, (Aberdeen,
- Skene, Felix J. H. (tr.) & Skene, William F. (ed.), John of
Fordun's Chronicle of the Scottish Nation, (Edinburgh,
- Bannerman, John, "The Kings Poet", in the Scottish
Historical Review, vol. 68 (1989), pp. 120–49
- Barber, Malcolm, The Two
Cities: Medieval Europe, 1050–1320, (London, 1992)
- Barrow, G. W. S. (ed.), The Acts of Malcolm IV King of
Scots 1153–1165, Together with Scottish Royal Acts Prior to 1153
not included in Sir Archibald Lawrie's '"Early Scottish
Charters' in Regesta Regum Scottorum, Volume I,
(Edinburgh, 1960), introductory text, pp. 3–128
- idem, The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History,
- idem, "Badenoch and Strathspey, 1130–1312: 1. Secular and
Political" in Northern Scotland, 8 (1988),
- idem, "Beginnings of Military Feudalism", in G. W. S. Barrow
(ed.) The Kingdom of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003),
- idem, "King David I and Glasgow" in G.W.S. Barrow (ed.),
The Kingdom of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003),
- idem, "David I (c. 1085–1153)", in the Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004;
online edn, January 2006 ,
accessed 11 Feb 2007
- idem, "David I of Scotland: The Balance of New and Old", in G.
W. S. Barrow (ed.), Scotland and Its Neighbours in the Middle
Ages, (London, 1992), pp. 45–65, originally published as
the 1984 Stenton Lecture, (Reading, 1985)
- idem, "The Judex", in G. W. S. Barrow (ed.) The
Kingdom of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 57–67
- idem, "The Justiciar", in G. W. S. Barrow (ed.) The Kingdom
of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 68–111
- idem, Kingship and Unity: Scotland, 1000–1306,
- idem, "The Kings of Scotland and Durham", in David Rollason,
Margaret Harvey & Michael Prestwich (eds.), Anglo-Norman
Durham, 1093–1193, pp. 309–23
- idem, "Malcolm III (d. 1093)", in the Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 ,
accessed 3 Feb 2007
- idem, "The Royal House and the Religious Orders", in G.W.S.
Barrow (ed.), The Kingdom of the Scots, (Edinburgh, 2003),
- Bartlett, Robert,
England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075–1225,
- idem, The Making of Europe, Conquest, Colonization and
Cultural Change: 950–1350, (London, 1993)
- idem, "Turgot (c.1050–1115)", in the Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 ,
accessed 11 Feb 2007
- Blanchard, Ian, "Lothian and Beyond: The Economy of the
‘English Empire’ of David I", in Richard Britnell and John Hatcher
(eds.), Progress and Problems in Medieval England: Essays in
Honour of Edward Miller, (Cambridge, 1996)
- Boardman, Steve, "Late Medieval
Scotland and the Matter of Britain", in Edward J. Cowan and Richard
J. Finlay (eds.), Scottish History: The Power of the Past,
(Edinburgh, 2002), pp. 47–72
- Broun, Dauvit, "Recovering the Full
Text of Version A of the Foundation Legend", in Simon Taylor (ed.),
Kings, Clerics and Chronicles in Scotland, 500–1297,
(Dublin, 2000), pp. 108–14
- idem, "The Welsh Identity of the Kingdom of Strathclyde", in
The Innes Review, Vol. 55, no. 2 (Autumn, 2004),
- Chibnall, Marjory, ed. Anglo-Norman Studies: Proceedings of
the Battle Conference 1991, The Boydell Press, 1992
- Clancy, Thomas Owen, "Annat and the Origins of the Parish", in
the Innes Review, vol. 46, no. 2 (1995),
- idem, "A Gaelic Polemic Quatrain from the Reign of Alexander I,
ca. 1113", in Scottish Gaelic Studies, vol.20 (2000),
- Clancy, M. T., England and its Rulers, 2nd Ed.,
(Malden, MA, 1998)
- Cowan, Ian B., "Development of the Parochial System", in the
Scottish Historical Review, 40 (1961), pp. 43–55
- Cowan, Edward J., "The Invention of Celtic Scotland", in Edward
J. Cowan & R. Andrew McDonald (eds.), Alba: Celtic Scotland
in the Middle Ages, (East Lothian, 2000), pp. 1–23
- Dalton, Paul, "Scottish Influence on Durham, 1066–1214", in
David Rollason, Margaret Harvey & Michael Prestwich (eds.), Anglo-Norman
Durham, 1093–1193, pp. 339–52
- Davies, Norman, The Isles: A
History, (London, 1999)
- Davies, R. R., Domination and Conquest: The Experience
of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, 1100–1300, (Cambridge,
- idem, The First English Empire: Power and Identities in the
British Isles, 1093–1343, (Oxford, 2000)
- Donaldson, Gordon, "Scottish
Bishop's Sees Before the Reign of David I", in the Proceedings
of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 87 (1952–53),
- Dowden, John, The Bishops of
Scotland, ed. J. Maitland Thomson, (Glasgow, 1912)
- Dumville, David N., "St Cathróe
of Metz and the Hagiography of Exoticism", in John Carey et al.
(eds.), Studies in Irish Hagiography: Saints and Scholars,
(Dublin, 2001), pp. 172–188
- Duncan, A. A. M., "The
Foundation of St Andrews Cathedral Priory, 1140", in The
Scottish Historical Review, vol 84, (April, 2005),
- idem, The Kingship of the Scots 842–1292: Succession and
Independence, (Edinburgh, 2002)
- idem, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, (Edinburgh,
- Fawcett, Richard, & Oram,
Richard, Melrose Abbey, (Stroud, 2004)
- Follett, Wesley, Céli Dé in Ireland: Monastic Writing and
Identity in the Early Middle Ages, (Woodbridge, 2006)
- Forte, Angelo, Oram, Richard, & Pedersen, Frederick,
The Viking Empires, (Cambridge, 2005) ISBN
- Green, Judith A.,
"Anglo-Scottish Relations, 1066–1174", in Michael Jones and Malcolm
Vale (eds.), England and Her Neigh-bours: Essays in Honour of
Pierre Chaplais (London, 1989)
- eadem, "David I and Henry I", in the Scottish Historical
Review. vol. 75 (1996), pp. 1–19
- Haidu, Peter, The Subject Medieval/Modern: Text and
Governance in the Middle Ages, (Stamford, 2004)
- Hall, Derek, Burgess, Merchant and Priest: Burgh Life in
the Medieval Scottish Town, (Edinburgh, 2002)
- Hammond, Matthew H., "Ethnicity and the Writing of Medieval
Scottish history", in The Scottish Historical Review, 85
(2006), pp. 1–27
- Hudson, Benjamin T., "Gaelic
Princes and Gregorian Reform", in Benjamin T. Hudson and Vickie
Ziegler (eds.), Crossed Paths: Methodological Approaches to the
Celtic Aspects of the European Middle Ages, (Lanham, 1991),
- Jackson, Kenneth, The
Gaelic Notes in the Book of Deer: The Osborn Bergin Memorial
Lecture 1970, (Cambridge, 1972)
- Ladner, G., "Terms and Ideas of Renewal", in Robert L. Benson,
Giles Constable and Carol D. Lanham(eds.), Renaissance and
Renewal in the Twelfth Century, (Oxford, 1982),
- Lang, Andrew, A History of Scotland from the Roman
Occupation, 2 vols, vol. 1, (Edinburgh, 1900)
- Lawrence, C. H., Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious
Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, 2nd edition,
- Lynch, Michael, Scotland: A New History, (Edinburgh,
- McNeill, Peter G. B. & MacQueen,
Hector L. (eds), Atlas of Scottish History to 1707,
- Moore, R. I., The First European Revolution,
c.970–1215, (Cambridge, 2000)
- Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí, Early Medieval Ireland: 400–1200,
- O'Meara, John J., (ed.), Gerald of Wales: The History and
Topography of Ireland, (London, 1951)
- Oram, Richard, "David I", in M. Lynch (ed.), The Oxford
Companion to Scottish History, (New York, 2001),
- idem, "David I and the Conquest of Moray", in Northern
Scotland, vol. 19 (1999), pp. 1–19
- idem, David: The King Who Made Scotland,
- idem, The Lordship of Galloway, (Edinburgh, 2000)
- Pirenne, Henri, Medieval
cities: their origins and the revival of trade, trans. F. D.
Halsey, (Princeton, 1925)
- Pittock, Murray G.H., Celtic Identity and the British
Image, (Manchester, 1999)
- Ritchie, Græme, The Normans in Scotland, (Edinburgh,
- Ross, Alasdair, "The Identity of the Prisoner at Roxburgh:
Malcolm son of Alexander or Malcolm MacEth?", in S. Arbuthnot &
K Hollo (eds.), Kaarina, Fil súil nglais – A grey eye looks
back : A Festschrift in Honour of Colm Ó Baoill, (Ceann
- Shead, Norman F., "The Origins of the Medieval Diocese of
Glasgow", in the Scottish Historical Review, 48 (1969),
- Skene, William F., Celtic Scotland: A History of Ancient
Alban, 3 vols., (Edinburgh, 1876–80)
- Stringer, Keith J., "Reform Monasticism and Celtic Scotland",
in Edward J. Cowan & R. Andrew McDonald (eds.), Alba:
Celtic Scotland in the Middle Ages, (East Lothian, 2000),
- idem, The Reformed Church in Medieval Galloway and Cumbria:
Contrasts, Connections and Continuities (The Eleventh Whithorn
Lecture, 14 September, 2002), (Whithorn, 2003)
- idem, "State-Building in Twelfth-Century Britain: David I, King
of Scots, and Northern England", in John C. Appleby and Paul Dalton
(eds.), Government, Religion, and Society in Northern England,
1000–1700. (Stroud, 1997)
- idem, The Reign of Stephen: Kingship, Warfare and
Government in Twelfth-Century England, (London, 1993)
- Toorians, L., "Twelfth-century Flemish Settlement in Scotland",
in Grant G. Simpson (ed.), Scotland and the Low Countries,
1124–1994, (East Linton, 1996), pp. 1–14
- Veitch, Kenneth, "'Replanting Paradise':Alexander I and the
Reform of Religious Life in Scotland", in the Innes
Review, 52 (2001), pp. 136–166
- Watt, John, Church in Medieval Ireland, (Dublin,
- Yeoman, Peter, Medieval Scotland: An Archaeological
Perspective, (London, 1995)