Erwin Johannes Eugen Rommel
( ) (15 November 1891 – 14 October 1944) (known as the
Desert Fox, Wüstenfuchs, ), was perhaps
the most famous German
Field Marshal of World War II.
He was a highly decorated officer in
World
War I, awarded the
Pour le
Mérite for his exploits on the
Italian front. In World War
II, he further distinguished himself as the commander of the
Ghost Division during
the
1940 invasion of France.
However, it was his masterful leadership of German and Italian
forces in the
North African
campaign that established the legend of the Desert Fox. He is
generally considered to have been the most skilled commander of
desert warfare in the war.
He later
commanded the German forces opposing the Allied cross-channel invasion in
Normandy
.
Rommel is considered to have been a chivalrous and humane officer,
in contrast with many other figures of Nazi Germany, and his
Afrikakorps was not accused of
any war crimes. Soldiers captured during his Africa campaign were
reported to have been largely treated humanely; furthermore, he
ignored orders to kill captured
Jewish
soldiers and civilians out of hand in all theaters of his
command.
Late in the war, Rommel joined the
conspiracy against
Adolf Hitler, but opposed the failed
20 July Plot of 1944 to kill the dictator.
Because of his great prestige, Hitler allowed him to
commit suicide.
He was buried with
full military honors, but the reason for his death only emerged at
the Nuremberg
Trials
.
Early life and career
Rommel was
born in Heidenheim
, approximately from Ulm
, in the
Kingdom of Württemberg
(then part of the German Empire). He was
baptised on 17 November 1891.
He was the second of four children of a
Protestant headmaster of the secondary
school at Aalen
—Prof. Erwin
Rommel the elder (1860–1913) and Helene von Luz, a daughter of a
prominent local dignitary—who had two other sons, Karl and Gerhard,
and a daughter, Helene. Later, recalling his childhood,
Rommel wrote that "my early years passed quite happily."
At the age of 14, Rommel and a friend built a full-scale glider
that was able to fly short distances.
Young Erwin considered
becoming an engineer and
would throughout his life display extraordinary technical aptitude;
however, because of his father, young Rommel joined the local 124th
Württemberg Infantry Regiment as an officer cadet in 1910 and,
shortly after, was sent to the Officer Cadet School in Gdańsk
(Then Danzig
). He
graduated on 15 November 1911 and was commissioned as a
lieutenant in January 1912.
While at Cadet School, early in 1911, Erwin Rommel met his future
wife, 17-year-old Lucia Maria Mollin (commonly called
Lucie) (b.
6 June 1894 in Danzig
; d.
2
September 1971 in Stuttgart.) They married on 27 November 1916, in
Danzig, and on 24 December 1928 had a son, Manfred Rommel, who would later become the
Mayor of Stuttgart
. Manfred himself joined the
Luftwaffe at age 14 and served at an anti-aircraft
battery during the war. After his father's death, he surrendered to
the
French First Army. After
having met Lucie, some historians suspect that Rommel also had an
affair with
Walburga Stemmer in
1913, and that relationship produced a daughter named
Gertrud.
World War I
During
World War I, Rommel fought in France
, as well as
in Romania
(see:
Romanian
Campaign) and Italy
(see:
Italian
Campaign), initially as a member of the 6th Württemberg
Infantry Regiment, and through most of the war in the Württemberg
Mountain Battalion of the élite
Alpenkorps. While serving with that unit, he gained
a reputation for great courage, making quick tactical decisions and
taking advantage of enemy confusion. He was wounded three times and
awarded the
Iron Cross; First and Second
Class.
Rommel also received Prussia's highest medal, the Pour le Mérite, after fighting in the
mountains of west Slovenia
– Battles of the
Isonzo – Soča front. The award came as a result of the Battle of Longarone
, and the capture of Mount Matajur
, Slovenia
, and its defenders, numbering 150 Italian officers,
9,000 men, and 81 pieces of artillery. His battalion used
chemical warfare gas during the
battles of the Isonzo and also played a key role in the victory of
the Central Powers over the Italian Army at the Battle of
Caporetto
. Interestingly, Rommel for a time served in
the same infantry regiment as
Friedrich
Paulus.
While fighting at Isonzo
, Rommel was
taken prisoner by the Italians. He escaped his captors, and,
with the help of fluency in the Italian language and other skills,
he was back behind the German lines within two weeks. Later, when
the German and Italian armies were allied during the Second World
War, Rommel tempered his initial disdain of Italian soldiers when
he realised that their lack of success in battle was principally
due to poor leadership and equipment, which when overcome, easily
made them equal to German forces.
Career between the world wars
Rommel, while on a leadership track, eschewed a post in the
Truppenamt (the camouflaged
General Staff), whose existence was
forbidden by the
Treaty of
Versailles—the normal path for advancing to high rank in the
German army—instead, he preferred to remain a front-line
officer.
After the
war, Rommel held battalion commands and was an instructor at the
Dresden
Infantry School from 1929 to 1933. In 1934,
Rommel’s book for infantry training “
Gefechts-Aufgaben für Zug
und Kompanie : Ein Handb. f. d. Offizierunterricht“
(Combat tasks for platoon and companie: A manual for the officer
instruction), appeared. This book was printed until 1945 in five
editions, with revisions and changes of title. From 1935 to 1938,
Rommel held commands at the Potsdam War Academy. Rommel's war
diaries,
Infanterie greift an (
Infantry Attacks), published in 1937,
became a highly regarded military textbook, and attracted the
attention of
Adolf Hitler, who placed
him in charge of the War Ministry liaison with the
Hitler Jugend's (Hitler Youth),
Headquarters of Military Sports, the Hitler Jugend branch involved
with paramilitary activities, primarily terrain exercises and
marksmanship. Rommel applied himself energetically to the new task.
The army
provided instructors to the Hitler Jugend Rifle School in Thuringia
, which in turn supplied qualified instructors to
the HJ's regional branches.
In 1937, Rommel conducted a tour of HJ meetings and encampments,
and delivered lectures on German soldiering while inspecting
facilities and exercises. Simultaneously he was pressuring
Baldur von Schirach, the
Hitler
Jugend leader, to accept an agreement expanding the army's
involvement in Hitler Jugend training. Schirach interpreted this as
a bid to turn the
Hitler Jugend into an army auxiliary, a
"junior army," in his words. He refused, and denied Rommel, whom he
had come to dislike personally, apparently out of envy for his
"real soldier's" appeal to the youngsters, access to the
Hitler
Jugend. An army-
Hitler Jugend agreement was
concluded, but on a far more limited scope than Rommel had sought;
cooperation was restricted to the army providing personnel to the
Rifle School. By 1939, the
Hitler Jugend had 20,000 rifle
instructors. Simultaneously, Rommel retained his place at Potsdam.
In his class, Rommel was awarded the highest war ribbons for
excellent performance.
In 1938,
Rommel, now a colonel, was appointed Kommandant (commander) of the
War Academy at Wiener
Neustadt
(Theresian
Military Academy
). Rommel was removed after a short time
however, to take command of Adolf
Hitler's personal protection battalion
(FührerBegleitbataillon), assigned to protect him in the
special railway train (Führersonderzug) used during his
visits to occupied Czechoslovakia
and Memel. It was during this period
that he met and befriended
Joseph
Goebbels, the Reich's minister of
propaganda. Goebbels became a fervent admirer of
Rommel and later ensured that Rommel's exploits were celebrated in
the media.
World War II
Poland 1939
Rommel continued as
Führerbegleitbataillon commander
during the
Polish
campaign, often moving up close to the front in the
Führersonderzug, and seeing much of Hitler. After the
Polish defeat, Rommel returned to Berlin to organize the Führer's
victory parade, taking part himself as a member of Hitler's
entourage. During the Polish campaign Rommel was asked to intervene
on behalf of one of his wife's relatives, a Polish priest who had
been arrested.
He has been criticised for not doing enough
on the man's behalf, though he did apply to the Gestapo
for information, only to be told that no
information on the man existed.
France 1940
Panzer commander
Rommel asked Hitler for command of a panzer division, even though
he had no previous experience commanding
armour.
On 6 February 1940, only three months before
the invasion, Rommel was given command of the 7.Panzer-Division, for
Fall Gelb ("Case Yellow"), the
invasion of France
and the
Low Countries. They were also
known as the "Ghost Division" because of their constant unexpected
attacks. This string-pulling provoked resentment among fellow
officers. The Chief of Army Personnel had rejected Rommel's request
on the grounds of him having no experience with armour, instead
suggesting he was more suitable for commanding a mountain division
lacking a commander. Rommel had, however, emphasized the use of
mobile infantry, and had come to recognize the great usefulness of
armoured forces in Poland. He set about adapting himself and
learning the techniques of armoured warfare rapidly and with great
enthusiasm.
Invasion of France and Belgium
On 10 May
1940 a part of XV Corps under
General Hoth, advanced into Belgium
to proceed to the Meuse river
near the Walloon
municipality of Dinant
. At
the Meuse 7th Panzer was held up due to the bridge having been
destroyed and determined sniper and artillery fire from the Belgian
defenders. The Germans lacked smoke grenades so Rommel, having
assumed personal command of the crossing, ordered a few nearby
houses to be set on fire to conceal the attack. The German
Panzergrenadiers crossed the river in rubber boats, with Rommel
leading the second wave. The Division dashed further inland, always
spurred on by Rommel, and far in front of any friendly
forces.
Rommel's technique of pushing forward boldly, ignoring risks to his
flanks and rear and relying on the shock to enemy morale to hinder
attacks on his vulnerable flanks, paid large dividends during his
rapid march across France. When encountering resistance, Rommel
would simply order his tanks forward, all guns blazing, relying on
the shock of the sudden assault to force the enemy to surrender.
This method offset the disadvantage the German tanks had in terms
of armour and low-calibre guns, often causing large formations of
enemy heavy tanks to simply give up a fight they would otherwise
have had a good chance of winning. This approach, although it saved
lives on both sides by avoiding prolonged engagements, did cause
mishaps. On one occasion his tanks, following this tactic, closed
with a convoy of French trucks and fired into them only to realise
that the trucks were acting as ambulances ferrying wounded from the
front.
Battle of Arras
By 18 May
the Division had captured Cambrai
but here Rommel's advance was checked
briefly. His Chief of Staff, still with the unmotorized part
of the Division in Belgium and not having received radio reports
from Rommel, had written off Rommel and his combat group as lost
and so had not arranged for fuel to be sent up. There was a degree
of controversy over this issue with Rommel furious with what he
perceived as a negligent attitude on the part of his supply
officers, whereas his Chief of Staff was critical of Rommel's
failure to keep his staff officers up to speed on his
actions.

Rommel in the Western Europe campaign
(June 1940)
On 20 May
Rommel's tanks reached Arras
. Here
he wanted to cut off the
British Expeditionary
Force from the coast and
Hans von
Luck, commanding the reconnaissance battalion of the Division,
was tasked with forcing a crossing over the
La Bassée canals near the city.
Supported by
Stuka dive bombers, the
unit managed to force a crossing. The British launched a
counterattack (the
Battle of
Arras) on 21 May with
Matilda tank,
and the Germans found their 3.7 cm guns useless against the
heavy armour. A battery of
88 mm guns had
to be brought up to deal with the threat, with Rommel personally
directing the fire.
After Arras, Hitler ordered his tanks to hold their positions,
while the British, in
Operation
Dynamo, evacuated their troops at Dunkirk and the 7th Panzer
Division was given a few days of much needed rest.
On 26 May 7 Panzer
continued its advance and it reached Lille
on 27
May. For the assault on the town, General Hoth
placed his other tank division, 5th Panzer
Division
under Rommel's command to the chagrin of its
commander, General Max von
Hartlieb. The same day Rommel received news that he had
been awarded the
Knight's Cross of the Iron
Cross, the first divisional commander to be so honoured during
the campaign. This award, which had been secured for Rommel at
Hitler's behest, caused more animosity among fellow officers who
were critical of Rommel's close relationship with Hitler. They
believed that this was further "evidence" that Hitler seemed to
give Rommel preferential treatment.
On 28 May, while making the final push into Lille, and far in front
of friendly forces, 7th Panzer came under heavy fire from French
artillery. Rommel drove his forces on, capturing Lille, trapping
half of the French First Army and preventing their retreat to
Dunkirk. After this coup, Rommel's forces were again given time to
rest.
Drive for English Channel
Rommel,
resuming his advance on 5 June, drove for the River Seine
to secure the bridges near Rouen
.
Advancing in two days, the Division reached Rouen, only to find the
bridges destroyed.
On 10 June, Rommel reached the coast near
Dieppe
, sending his "Am at coast" signal to the German
HQ.
On 15
June, the 7th Panzer started advancing on Cherbourg
. On 17 June, the Division advanced ,
capturing the town on the following day.
The Division then
proceeded towards Bordeaux
, but stopped when the armistice was signed on 21
June. In July, the Division was sent to the
Paris
area to start preparations for Operation Seelöwe, the planned
invasion of Britain. The preparations were half-hearted
however, as it became clear that the Luftwaffe would not be able to
secure air superiority over the Royal Air Force.
Ghost Division

Erwin Rommel at a Paris victory parade
(June 1940)
7. Panzer-Division was later nicknamed
Gespenster-Division (the
"Ghost Division"), due
to the speed and surprise it was consistently able to achieve, to
the point that even the
German High Command at
times lost track of its whereabouts. It also set the record for the
longest thrust in one day by tanks up to that point, covering
nearly .
Rommel received both praise and criticism for his tactics during
the French campaign. Many, such as General
Georg Stumme, who had previously commanded 7th
Panzer Division, were impressed with the speed and success of
Rommel's drive; however, others were more reserved, some out of
envy, others because they felt Rommel took unnecessary risks.
Hermann Hoth publicly expressed praise
for Rommel's achievements, but had private reservations saying, in
a confidential report, that Rommel should not be given command over
a corps unless he gained "greater experience and a better sense of
judgment." Hoth also accused Rommel of an unwillingness to
acknowledge the contributions of others to his victories.
The Fourth Army's commander, General
Günther von Kluge, also criticised
Rommel for falsely claiming all the glory for his achievements.
Rommel did not, Kluge felt, acknowledge the contribution of the
Luftwaffe and Rommel's manuscript
describing his campaign in France misrepresented the advances of
neighbouring units to elevate the achievements of his own dazzling
advances. Kluge also cited the complaint by General Hartlieb that
Rommel had misappropriated the 5th Panzer's bridging tackle on 14
May after his own supplies had run out in order to cross the Meuse,
delaying 5th Panzer Division for several hours. Rommel had repeated
this procedure on 27 May at the River Scarpe crossing.
North Africa 1941–1943
Rommel's
reward for his success was to be promoted and appointed commander
of the 5th Light Division
(later reorganised and redesignated 21.Panzer-Division) and
of the 15.Panzer-Division
which, as the Deutsches
Afrikakorps,( ) were sent to Libya
in early
1941 in Operation Sonnenblume
to aid the demoralised Italian
troops which had suffered a heavy defeat from
British Commonwealth forces in Operation Compass. It was in
Africa where Rommel achieved his greatest
fame as a commander.
First Axis offensive
The Western Desert area, showing Rommel's first offensive 24 March
– 15 June 1941.
His
campaign in North Africa
earned Rommel the nickname "The Desert Fox."
On 6 February 1941
Rommel was ordered to lead the Afrika
Korps, sent to Libya
to help
shore up the Italian forces which had been driven back during
Operation Compass launched by
British Commonwealth forces
under Major-General Richard O'Connor during December
1940. Initially ordered to assume a defensive
posture and hold the front line, the Axis High Command had slated a
limited offensive towards Agedabia
and Benghazi
for May, planning then to hold the line between
those cities. Rommel argued that such a limited offensive
would be ineffective as the whole of
Cyrenaica would have to be captured if the front
lines were to be held. The task of even holding the remaining
Italian possessions seemed daunting, as the Italians had only 7,000
troops remaining in the area after O'Connor's successful capture of
130,000 prisoners and almost 400 tanks during the previous three
months of advance.
On 24 March 1941 Rommel launched a limited offensive with only the
5th Light Division
supported by two Italian divisions. This thrust was to be minor, in
anticipation of Rommel receiving the
15th Panzer Division in
May. The British, who had been weakened by troops being withdrawn
to fight in the
Battle of Greece,
fell back to Mersa el Brega and started constructing defensive
works. Rommel decided to continue the attack against these
positions in order to prevent the British from building up the
fortifications. After a day of fierce fighting, the Germans
prevailed and the advance continued as Rommel disregarded holding
off the attack on Agedabia until May. The British
Commander-in-Chief
Middle East
Command, General
Archibald
Wavell, overestimating the strength of the Axis forces and,
already apprehensive about the extent of his advances during the
previous winter, ordered a withdrawal from Benghazi in early April
to avoid being cut off by Rommel's thrust.
Rommel, seeing the British reluctance to fight a decisive action,
decided on a bold move: the seizure of the whole of Cyrenaica,
despite having only light forces. He ordered the Italian
Ariete
armoured division to pursue the retreating British, while the 5th
Light Division was to move on Benghazi.
Generalmajor Johannes Streich, the 5th Light Division's
commander, protested this order on the grounds of the state of his
vehicles but Rommel brushed the objections aside because, in his
words, "One cannot permit unique opportunities to slip by for the
sake of trifles." The Italian Commander-in-Chief, General
Italo Gariboldi, tried repeatedly to halt
Rommel's advance but was unable to contact him.
After Benghazi had been secured following the British withdrawal,
Cyrenaica as far as
Gazala was captured by 8
April. This was despite fervent protests from Italian GHQ, which
felt Rommel was going beyond his orders, especially since he was
supposedly under Italian command. Rommel had received orders from
the German High Command that he was not to advance past Maradah,
but he turned a blind eye to this as well as protests from some of
his staff and divisional commanders.
He believed he was
grasping a great possibility to largely destroy the Allied presence
in North Africa and capture Egypt
.
Rommel
decided to keep up the pressure on the retreating British and
launched an outflanking offensive on the important port of Tobruk
during
which he managed to capture on 9 April the Military Governor of
Cyrenaica, Lieutenant-General Philip
Neame as well as O'Connor, who at this time was his
advisor. With Italian forces attacking along the coast,
Rommel decided to sweep around to the south and attack the harbour
from the south-east with the 5th Light Division, hoping to trap the
bulk of the enemy force there. This outflanking could not be
carried out as rapidly as was necessary due to logistical problems
from lengthening supply lines and spoiling flank attacks from
Tobruk, so Rommel's plan failed. By 11 April, the envelopment of
Tobruk was complete, and the first attack was launched.
Other
forces continued pushing east, reaching Bardia
and
securing the whole of Libya
by 15
April.
Siege of Tobruk
The following
Siege of Tobruk lasted
240 days, with the garrison consisting of the
Australian 9th Division under
Lieutenant General Leslie Morshead and reinforced by all the
British troops who had withdrawn to the port city, bringing the
defenders to a total of 25,000. Impatient to secure success, Rommel
launched repeated, small-scale attacks. These were easily defeated
by the defenders. Rommel would later criticise the Italian High
Command for failing to provide him with the blueprints of the
port's fortifications (which the Italians had built before the
war), but this was due to his surprising advance so far beyond the
agreed point, hardly allowing them time to produce the plans.
Reflecting on this period, General
Heinrich Kirchheim, the then commander of
the 5th Light Division, said: "I do not like to be reminded of that
time because so much blood was needlessly shed." Kirchheim had been
reluctant to launch further attacks on Tobruk, as the cost of
earlier assaults was very high.

Rommel remained wishfully positive that success was imminent. In
his memoirs he later claimed that he immediately realised that the
enemy was determined to cling to Tobruk, however this seems to be
in doubt. In a letter to his wife dated 16 April, he wrote that the
enemy was already abandoning the town by sea and he remained
confident that the enemy were not going to defend the town until
well into April. In reality the ships arriving at the port were not
evacuating the defenders but unloading supplies and even some
reinforcements. A letter of his, written on 21 April, suggests that
he was beginning to realise this while the arrival of the Italian
blueprints of fortifications provided further grounds for
discouragement. Nonetheless Rommel continued to insist that success
was imminent. His relations with his subordinate commanders were at
their nadir at this point, especially with Streich who was openly
critical of Rommel's decisions and refused to assume any
responsibility for the attacks. Rommel began holding a series of
courts-martial, though ultimately he signed almost none of the
verdicts. This state of affairs led Army Chief
Walther von Brauchitsch to write to
him that instead of making threats and requesting the replacement
of officers who "hitherto had excelled in battle", rather "... a
calm and constructive debate might bring better results". Rommel
remained unmoved.
At this point Rommel requested reinforcements for a renewed attack
but the
High Command,
then completing preparations for
Operation Barbarossa, could not spare
any. Chief of Staff General
Franz
Halder, when he had also told Rommel, before the latter left
for Africa, that a larger force could not be logistically
sustained, Rommel had responded "that's your pigeon". Now Halder
sarcastically commented: "now at last he is constrained to state
that his forces are not sufficiently strong to allow him to take
full advantage of the 'unique opportunities' offered by the overall
situation. That is the impression we have had for quite some time
over here." Angry that his order not to advance beyond Maradah had
been disobeyed and alarmed at mounting losses, Halder, never an
admirer of Rommel, dispatched
Friedrich
Paulus to (in Halder's words) "head off this soldier gone stark
mad".
Upon arrival on 27 April Paulus was initially convinced to
authorise yet another attack on Tobruk. Back in Berlin Halder wrote
"in my view it is a mistake" but deferred to Paulus. When the
attack, launched on 4 May, seemed to turn into a disaster Paulus
intervened and ordered it halted. In addition he now forbade Rommel
from committing forces into any new attack on Tobruk and further
ordered that the attacks were to halt until regrouping was
completed. No new assault was to take place without OKH's specific
approval.
Rommel was furious with what he perceived as the lack of fighting
spirit in his commanders and Italian allies. However, on the
insistence of Paulus and Halder, he held off further attacks until
the detailed plans of the Tobruk defences could be obtained, the
15th Panzer Division could be brought up to support the attack and
more training of his troops in positional warfare could be
conducted, For Streich however it was too late. He was transferred
from command of 15th Panzer Division. When he met Rommel for the
last time as he was taking his leave, Rommel told him that he had
been "too concerned for the well-being of your troops"; Streich
shot back: "I can recognise no greater words of praise", and a new
quarrel ensued. After the decision was made to hold off attacks on
Tobruk for an indefinite period, Rommel set about creating
defensive positions, with Italian infantry forces holding Bardia,
the Sollum – Sidi Omar line and investing Tobruk. The mobile German
and Italian formations were held in reserve to fight any British
attacks from Egypt.
To this end, Halfaya Pass
was secured, the high water mark of Rommel's
offensive. An elaborately prepared great assault was
scheduled for 21 November 1941, but this attack never took
place.
Whereas the defenders of Tobruk could be supplied by sea, the
logistical problems of the
Afrika Korps greatly hampered
its operations and a concentrated counter-attack southwards by the
besieged Allies might have succeeded in reaching El Adam and
severed the lines of communication and supply of the Axis forces at
Bardia, Sollum and Halfya covering the Egyptian border. General
Morshead, however, was misled by intelligence overestimates of the
German forces investing Tobruk and so no major action was
attempted.
General
Wavell made two unsuccessful attempts to relieve Tobruk (Operation
Brevity
(launched on 15 May) and Operation Battleaxe) (launched
on 15 June). Both operations were easily defeated as they
were hastily prepared, partly due to
Churchill's impatience for speedy action.
During
Brevity the important Halfaya Pass was briefly
recaptured by the British, but lost again on 27 May.
Battleaxe resulted in the loss of 87 British for 25 German
tanks, in a four day battle raging on the flanks of the Sollum and
Halfaya Passes, with the British being unable to take these well
fortified positions.
In August Rommel was appointed commander of the newly created
Panzer Group Africa. His previous command, the
Afrika
Korps comprising the 15th Panzer Division and the 5th Light
Division, which by then had been redesignated 21st Panzer Division,
was put under command of
Generalleutnant Ludwig Crüwell, with
Fritz Bayerlein as chief of staff. In
addition to the
Afrika Korps, Rommel's Panzer Group had
the
90th Light
Division and six Italian divisions, the
Ariete and
Trieste
Divisions forming the
Italian
XX Motorized Corps, three infantry divisions investing Tobruk,
and one holding Bardia.
Operation Crusader
Allied counter offensive
Following the costly failure of
Battleaxe, Wavell was
replaced by Commander-in-Chief India,
General Claude Auchinleck. The Allied
forces were reorganised and strengthened to two corps,
XXX and
XIII, as the
British Eighth Army under the command of
Alan Cunningham. Auchinleck,
having 770 tanks and 1,000 aircraft to support him, launched a
major offensive to relieve Tobruk (
Operation Crusader) on 18
November 1941. Rommel had two armoured divisions, the 15th and 21st
with 260 tanks, the 90th Light Infantry division, and three Italian
corps, five infantry and one armoured division with 154 tanks, with
which to oppose him.
The Eighth Army deeply outflanked the German defences along the
Egyptian frontier with a left hook through the desert, and reached
a position from which they could strike at both Tobruk and the
coastal road, the "Via Balbia".
Auchinleck planned to engage the Afrika
Korps with his armoured division, while XXX Corps assaulted
the Italian positions at Bardia
, encircling
the troops there. The British operational plan had one major
flaw. When XXX corps reached the area of Qabr Salih, it was assumed
that the
Afrika Korps would move eastward and accept
battle, allowing the British to surround them with the southerly
armour thrust. Rommel, however, did not find it necessary to do as
the British planned, instead attacking the southern armoured thrust
at Sidi Rezegh.
Rommel was faced with the decision of whether to go through with
the planned late May attack on Tobruk, trusting his screening
forces to hold off the advancing British, or to reorient his forces
to hit the British columns approaching. He considered the risks too
great if he chose to attack Tobruk, and so called off this
attack.
The British armoured thrusts were largely defeated by fierce
resistance from antitank positions and German and Italian tanks.
The Italian
Ariete Armoured Division was forced to give
ground while inflicting losses on the advancing British at Bir el
Gobi, whereas the 21st Panzer Division checked the attack launched
against them and counterattacked on Gabr Saleh. Over the next two
days the British continued pressing the attack, sending their
armoured brigades into the battle in a piecemeal fashion, while
Rommel, aware of his numerical inferiority, launched a concentrated
attack on 23 November with all his armour. 21st Panzer Division
held defensively at Sidi Rezegh, while 15th Panzer Division and the
Italian
Ariete Division attacked the flanks and enveloped
the British armour. During this battle, among the biggest armoured
battles of the North African campaign, the British tanks were
surrounded, with about two-thirds destroyed and the survivors
having to fight themselves out of the trap and head south to Gabr
Saleh.
Rommel's counterattacks
On 24 November Rommel, wanting to exploit the halt of the British
offensive, counterattacked into the British rear areas in Egypt
with the intention of exploiting the disorganisation and confusion
in the enemy's bases and cutting their supply lines. Rommel
considered the other, more conservative, course of action of
destroying the British forces halted before Tobruk and Bardia too
time consuming. Rommel knew his forces were incapable of driving
such an effort home, but believed that the British, traumatised by
their recent debacle, would abandon their defences along the border
at the appearance of a German threat to their rear.
General
Cunningham did, as Rommel had hoped, decide to withdraw the Eighth
Army to Egypt, but Auchinleck arrived from Cairo
just in
time to cancel the withdrawal orders. The German attack,
which began with only 100 operational tanks remaining, stalled as
it outran its supplies and met stiffening resistance. The
counterattack was criticised by the German High Command and some of
his staff officers as too dangerous with Commonwealth forces still
operating along the coast east of Tobruk, and a wasteful attack as
it bled his forces, in particular his remaining tank force. Among
the Staff officers who were critical was
Friedrich von Mellenthin, who said
that "Unfortunately, Rommel overestimated his success and believed
the moment had come to launch a general pursuit.". In Rommel's
favour, the attack very nearly succeeded, with the British Eighth
Army commander ordering a withdrawal, and only Auchinleck's timely
intervention prevented this.
Tobruk relieved, Axis retirement to El Agheila
While Rommel drove into Egypt, the remaining Commonwealth forces
east of Tobruk threatened the weak Axis lines there. Unable to
reach Rommel for several days, Rommel's Chief of Staff,
Oberstleutnant Westphal, ordered the 21st
Panzer Division withdrawn to support the siege of Tobruk. On 27
November the British attack on Tobruk linked up with the defenders,
and Rommel, having suffered losses that could not easily be
replaced, had to concentrate on retrieving and regrouping the
divisions that had attacked into Egypt. By 6 December the
Afrika Korps had averted the danger, and on 7 December
Rommel fell back to a defensive line at Gazala, just west of
Tobruk, all the while under heavy attacks from the
RAF. The Italian forces at Bardia and on
the Egyptian border were now cut off from the retreating Axis.
The
Allies, briefly held up at Gazala, kept up the pressure to some
degree, although they were almost as exhausted and disorganised as
Rommel's force, and Rommel was forced to retreat all the way back
to the starting positions he had held in March, reaching El Agheila
on 30 December. His main concern during his
withdrawal was being flanked to the south, so the
Afrika
Korps held the south flank during the retreat. The Allies
followed, but never attempted a southern flanking move to cut off
the retreating troops as they had done in 1940. The German-Italian
garrison at Bardia surrendered on 2 January 1942.
Recapture of Gazala
On 5 January 1942 the
Afrika Korps received 55 tanks and
new supplies and Rommel started planning a counterattack. On 21
January the attack was launched, which mauled the Allied forces,
costing them some 110 tanks and other heavy equipment.
The Axis forces
retook Benghazi
on 29 January, Timimi
on 3
February, and the Allies pulled back to the Tobruk area and
commenced building defensive positions at Gazala.
During the confusion caused by the
Crusader operation,
Rommel and his staff found themselves behind Allied lines several
times. On one occasion, he visited a New Zealand Army field
hospital that was still under Allied control. "[Rommel] inquired if
anything was needed, promised the British medical supplies and
drove off unhindered." Eventually, Rommel did supply the medical
unit with some medical equipment.
Second German offensive: Battle of Gazala
Following
General Kesselring's successes in
creating local air superiority and suppressing the Malta
defenders
in April 1942, an increased flow of vital supplies reached the
Panzer Armee Afrika. Previously it had been
receiving about a third of its needed supplies for several months.
With his forces thus strengthened, Rommel began planning a major
push for the summer. He felt the very strong British positions
around Gazala could be outflanked, and he could then drive up
behind them and destroy them. The British were planning a summer
offensive of their own and their dispositions were more suited for
an attack rather than a defence.
The British had 900 tanks in the area, 200 of which were new
Grant tanks, whereas Rommel's
Panzer Army Africa commanded a mere 320
German, 50 of which were the obsolete
Panzer
II model, and 240 Italian tanks, which were no better than the
Panzer IIs. Therefore Rommel had to rely predominantly on
88 mm guns to destroy the British heavy tanks, but
even these were in short supply. In infantry and artillery Rommel
found himself vastly outnumbered also, with many of his units
under-strength following the campaigns of 1941. In contrast to the
previous year, the Axis had more-or-less air parity.
On 26 May 1942 Rommel's army attacked in a classic outflanking
Blitzkrieg operation in the
Battle of Gazala. His Italian
infantry assaulted the Gazala fortifications head on, with some
armour attached to give the impressions that this was the main
assault, while all his motorized and armoured forces outflanked the
positions to the south. On the following morning Rommel cut through
the flank and attacked north, but throughout the day a running
armour battle occurred, where both sides took heavy losses. The
attempted encirclement of the Gazala position failed and the
Germans lost a third of their heavy tanks. Renewing the attack on
the morning of 28 May, Rommel concentrated on encircling and
destroying separate units of the British armour. Heavy British
counterattacks forced Rommel to assume a defensive posture and not
pursue his original plan of a dash north for the coast. On 30 May
he attacked eastwards to link with elements of Italian X Corps
which had cleared a path through the Allied minefields to establish
a line of supply.
On 2 June 90th Light Division and the
Trieste Division surrounded and reduced the Allied
strongpoint at Bir Hakeim
, capturing it on 11 June. With his
communications and the southern strongpoint of the British line
thus secured, Rommel attacked north again, forcing the British
back, relying on the minefields of the Gazala lines to protect his
left flank. On 14 June the British began a headlong retreat
eastwards, the so-called "Gazala Gallop", to avoid being completely
cut off.
On 15 June Axis forces reached the coast eliminating any escape for
the Commonwealth forces still occupying the Gazala positions. With
this task completed, Rommel set off in pursuit of the retreating
Allied formations, aiming to capture Tobruk while the enemy was
confused and disorganised. Tobruk, isolated and alone, was now all
that stood between the Axis and Egypt. The defenders were the 2nd
South African Infantry Division and some disorganised units
recovering from the Gazala battle. On 21 June, after a swift,
coordinated and fierce
combined arms
assault, the city surrendered along with its 33,000 defenders,
including most of the
South
African 2nd Division.
Only at the fall of Singapore
, earlier that year, had more British Commonwealth troops been
captured. Hitler made Rommel a
Field Marshal for this victory.
By this time, Rommel's gains caused considerable alarm in the
Allied camp. He appeared to be poised to deliver a crippling blow
to the British by conquering Egypt. The Allies feared Rommel would
then churn northeastward to conquer the valuable oil fields of the
Middle East and then link up with the German forces besieging the
equally valuable Caucasian oil fields. However, these required
substantial reinforcements that Hitler refused to allocate.
Ironically, Hitler had been sceptical about sending Rommel to
Africa in the first place. He'd only done so after constant begging
by naval commander
Erich Raeder, and
even then only to relieve the Italians. Hitler never understood
global warfare, despite Raeder and Rommel's attempts to get him to
see the strategic value of Egypt.
Drive for Egypt
Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, with his aides during the desert
campaign.
Rommel
determined to press the attack on Mersa Matruh
despite the heavy losses he had suffered at Gazala
and Tobruk. He also wanted to prevent the British from
establishing a new frontline, and felt the weakness of the British
formations had to be exploited by a thrust into Egypt. This
decision met with some criticism, as an advance into Egypt meant a
significant lengthening of the supply lines. It also meant that a
proposed attack on Malta would have to wait, as the Luftwaffe would
be required to support Rommel's drive eastwards. Kesselring
strongly disagreed with Rommel's decision, and went as far as
threatening to withdraw his aircraft to
Sicily. Hitler agreed to Rommel's plan, despite
protest from Italian HQ and some of his staff officers, seeing the
potential for a complete victory in Africa.
Rommel, apparently
aware of his growing reputation as a gambler, defended his decision
by claiming that merely to hold the lines at Sollum would confer
upon the British a distinct advantage, in that they could more
easily outflank the positions at Sollum and the overseas supply
lines would still have to be routed via Tripoli
unless he secured a front further
east.
On 22 June Rommel continued his offensive eastwards and initially
little resistance was encountered. Apart from fuel shortages, the
advance continued until Mersa Matruh was encircled on 26 June,
surrounding four infantry divisions. One of the divisions managed
to break out during the night, and over the next two days some
elements of the remaining three divisions also slipped away. The
fortress fell on 29 June, yielding enormous amounts of supplies and
equipment, in addition to 6,000 POWs.
On 25
June Auchinleck had assumed direct command of Eighth Army and
decided to form his main defensive line at El Alamein, where the
proximity to the south of the Qattara Depression
created a relatively short line to defend which
could not be outflanked to the south because of the impossibility
of moving armour into and through the depression.
Rommel
continued his march eastwards, but with the supply situation
steadily worsening and his men exhausted after five weeks of
constant warfare, the offensive on El Alamein
seemed in doubt. On 1 July the
First Battle
of El Alamein
started, but after almost a month of inconclusive
fighting both sides, completely exhausted, dug in, halting Rommel's
drive eastwards. This was a serious blow to Rommel who had
hoped to drive his advance into the open desert beyond El Alamein
where he could conduct a mobile defence. The Eighth Army suffered
higher casualties in the fighting around El Alamein, some 13,000,
compared with Axis losses of 7,000 men, 1,000 of which were
Germans, but Rommel could afford the losses to a much lesser
degree.
More significantly, Rommel only had 13 operational tanks by the
time he reached El Alamein.
Although he was only a few hundred miles
from the
Pyramids
, he knew he didn't have the resources to push
forward. On 3 July, he wrote in his diary that his momentum
had "faded away."
Allied attack: Second Battle of El Alamein
Summer standoff
After the stalemate at El Alamein, Rommel hoped to go on the
offensive again before massive amounts of men and material could
reach the British Eighth Army.
Allied forces from Malta
were,
however, intercepting his supplies at sea and the Desert Air Force
kept up a relentless campaign against Axis supply vessels in
Tobruk, Bardia and Mersa Matruh. Most of the supplies
reaching the Axis troops still had to be landed at Benghazi and
Tripoli and the enormous distances supplies had to travel to reach
the forward troops, meant that a rapid resupply and reorganisation
of the Axis army could not be done. Further hampering Rommel's
plans was the fact that the Italian divisions received priority on
supplies, with the Italian authorities shipping material for the
Italian formations at a much higher rate than for those of German
formations. It seems the Italian HQ was uneasy with Rommel's
ambitions and wanted their own forces, whom they at least had some
control over, resupplied first.
The British, themselves preparing for a renewed drive, replaced
C-in-C Auchinleck with General
Harold
Alexander. The Eighth Army also got a new commander,
Bernard Montgomery. They received a
steady stream of supplies, and were able to reorganise their
forces. In late August they received a large convoy, carrying over
100,000 tons of supplies, and Rommel, learning of this, felt that
time was running out. Rommel decided to launch an attack, with the
15th and 21st Panzer Division, 90th Light Division and the Italian
XX Motorized Corps in a drive through the southern flank of the El
Alamein lines. The terrain here was without any easily defensible
features and so open to attack. Montgomery and Auchinleck before
him had realised this threat and the main defences for this sector
had been set up behind the El Alamein line, along the Alam El Halfa
Ridge, where any outflanking thrust could be more easily met from
overlooking defensive positions.
Battle of Alam El Halfa
The
Battle of
Alam el Halfa
was launched on 30 August, with Rommel's forces
driving through the south flank. After passing the El
Alamein line to the south, Rommel drove north at the Alam el Halfa
Ridge, just as Montgomery had anticipated. Under heavy fire from
British artillery and aircraft, and in the face of well prepared
positions that Rommel could not hope to outflank due to lack of
fuel, the attack stalled. By 2 September, Rommel realized the
battle was unwinnable, and decided to withdraw.
Montgomery had prepared to pursue the Germans but in the afternoon
of 2 September, he gave Corps commander
Brian Horrocks clear orders to allow the
enemy to retire. This was for two reasons: to preserve his own
strength and to allow the enemy to observe, and be misled by, the
dummy preparations for an attack in the area. Nevertheless,
Montgomery was keen to inflict casualties on the enemy and orders
were given for the as yet inexperienced
2nd New Zealand Division,
positioned to the north of the retreating Axis forces, and
7th Armoured Division
to attack on 3 September. The attack was repelled, however, by a
fierce rearguard action by the 90th Light Division and Montgomery
called off further action to preserve his strength. On 5 September
Rommel was back where he had started, with only heavy losses to
show for it. Rommel had suffered 2,940 casualties, lost 50 tanks, a
similar number of guns and perhaps worst of all 400 trucks, vital
for supplies and movement. The British losses, except tank losses
of 68, were much less, further adding to the numerical inferiority
of Panzer Army Afrika. The Desert Air Force inflicted the highest
proportions of damage to Rommel's forces. He now realized the war
in Africa was unwinnable without more air support which was
impossible since the
Luftwaffe was already stretched to
breaking point on other fronts.
Second Battle of El Alamein

El Alamein 1942: British Matilda tanks
move forward at Tobruk.
In September British raiding parties attacked important harbours
and supply points. The flow of supplies successfully ferried across
the Mediterranean had fallen to a dismal level. Some two-thirds of
the supplies embarked for Africa were destroyed at sea. In
addition, Rommel's health was failing and he took sick leave in
Italy and Germany from late September.
Thus he was not
present when the Second Battle of El Alamein
began on 23 October 1942. Although he
returned immediately, it took him two vital days to reach his HQ in
Africa. The defensive plan at El Alamein was more static in nature
than Rommel preferred, but with shortages of motorized units and
fuel, he had felt it was the only possible plan. The defensive line
had strong fortifications and was protected with a large minefield
which in turn was covered with machine guns and artillery. This,
Rommel hoped, would allow his infantry to hold the line at any
point until motorized and armoured units in reserve could move up
and counterattack any Allied breaches.
General
Georg Stumme was in command in
Rommel's absence but during the initial fighting he died of a heart
attack. This paralyzed the German HQ until General
Ritter von Thoma took command. After
returning, Rommel learned that the fuel supply situation, critical
when he left in September, was now disastrous. Counterattacks by
the 15th and 21st Panzer Divisions on 24 October and 25 October had
incurred heavy tank losses due to the intensity of the British
artillery and air attack. Rommel's main concern was to
counterattack in full force and throw the British out of the
defensive lines, which was in his view the only chance the Axis had
of avoiding defeat. The counterattack was launched early on 26
October but the British units that had penetrated the defensive
line held fast on
Kidney Ridge. The Allies continued
pushing hard with armoured units to force the breakthrough, but the
defenders' fire destroyed many tanks, leading to doubts among the
officers in the British armoured brigades about the chances of
clearing a breach.
Montgomery, seeing his armoured brigades losing tanks at an
alarming rate, stopped major attacks until 2 November when he
launched
Operation Supercharge and achieved a penetration
of the line. Rommel immediately counterattacked with what tanks he
had available in an attempt to encircle the pocket during 2
November, but the heavy Allied fire stopped the attempt. By this
time Panzer Army Africa had only one-third of its initial strength
remaining, with only 35 tanks left operational, virtually no fuel
or ammunition and with the British in complete command of the air,
yet the British armour had been fought to a standstill, having
taken murderous losses with some armoured brigades reporting losses
of 75%.
Rommel's retreat
On 3 November Montgomery found it impossible to renew his attack,
and he had to wait for more reinforcements to be brought up. This
lull was what Rommel needed for his withdrawal, which had been
planned since 29 October, when Rommel determined the situation
hopeless. At midday, however, Rommel received the infamous "victory
or death" stand fast order from Hitler. Although this order
demanded the impossible and virtually ensured the destruction of
Panzer Army Africa, Rommel could not bring himself to disobey a
direct order from his
Führer. The Axis forces held on
desperately.
On 4 November Montgomery renewed the attack with fresh forces, and
with almost 500 tanks against the 20 or so remaining to Rommel. By
midday the Italian XX Motorized Corps was surrounded, and several
hours later was completely destroyed. This left a 20 km gap in
Rommel's line, with British armoured and motorized units pouring
through, threatening the entire Panzer Army Africa with
encirclement. At this point Rommel could no longer uphold the no
retreat order and ordered a general retreat. Early on 5 November he
received authorization by Hitler to withdraw, 12 hours after his
decision to do so—but it was far too late, with only remnants of
his army streaming westwards. Most of his unmotorized forces (the
bulk of the army) were caught.
Part of the Panzer Army Africa escaped from El Alamein but this
remnant took heavy losses from constant air attacks.
Despite urgings from
Hitler and Mussolini, the Panzer Army did not turn to fight, except
for brief holding actions, but withdrew under Allied pressure all
the way to Tunisia
. However, the retreat was conducted most
skilfully, employing
scorched earth
tactics and leaving behind
booby traps
making the task of the pursuers very difficult. The Allied forces
had greatnumerical superiority and air supremacy, while most of
Rommel's remaining divisions were reduced to combat groups.
End of Africa campaigns
Tunisia—Rommel talks with German troops who are using a captured
American half-track
Having reached Tunisia Rommel launched an attack against the
U.S. II
Corps which was threatening to cut his lines of supply north to
Tunis.
Rommel inflicted a sharp defeat on the
American forces at the Kasserine Pass
in February.
Rommel immediately turned back against the British forces,
occupying the
Mareth Line (old French
defences on the Libyan border). But Rommel could only delay the
inevitable. At the end of January 1943, the Italian General
Giovanni Messe had been appointed the
new commander of Rommel's
Panzer Army
Africa while Rommel had been at Kasserine, which was renamed
the Italo-German Panzer Army (in recognition of the fact that it
consisted of one German and three Italian corps). Though Messe
replaced Rommel, he diplomatically deferred to him, and the two
coexisted in what was theoretically the same command. On 23
February
Armeegruppe Afrika was created with Rommel in
command. It included the Italo-German Panzer Army under Messe
(renamed 1st Italian Army) and the German 5th Panzer Army in the
north of Tunisia under
General Hans-Jürgen von
Arnim.
The last Rommel offensive in North Africa was on 6 March 1943, when
he attacked Eighth Army at the
Battle
of Medenine. The attack was made with
10th,
15th, and
21st Panzer Divisions. Warned by
ULTRA intercepts, Montgomery deployed large
numbers of anti-tank guns in the path of the offensive. After
losing 52 tanks, Rommel called off the assault. On 9 March he
handed over command of
Armeegruppe Afrika to
General Hans-Jürgen von Arnim and
left Africa, because of health reasons, never to return. On 13 May
1943, General Messe surrendered the remnants of
Armeegruppe
Afrika to the Allies.
Some
historians contrast Rommel's withdrawal to Tunisia against Hitler's
wishes with Friedrich Paulus's
obedience of orders to have the German
Sixth Army stand its ground at the Battle of
Stalingrad
which resulted in its annihilation. Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, appointed overall Axis
commander in North Africa, saw things differently. He believed the
withdrawals, some of which were carried out against his orders,
unnecessary and ruinous since they brought forward British
airfields ever closer to the port of Tunis. As far as he was
concerned, Rommel was an insubordinate defeatist and string-puller.
The increasingly acrimonious relations between the two did nothing
to enhance performance.
Role of Signals Intelligence (SIGINT) in North Africa
Axis
The Axis had some major SIGINT successes in North Africa.
They
intercepted the reports of the U.S.
military attaché in Egypt
, who was
briefed by the British on their forces and plans. Some
authorities believe this information explains much of Rommel's
success.
In addition, the Afrika Korps had a Radio Intercept Section (RIS)
attached to its HQ. The RIS monitored radio communications among
British units. The British were very "gabby", and most of this
chatter was in clear, allowing the Germans to identify British
units and deployments. During the first Battle of El Alamein, a
British counter-attack reached the HQ. The RIS was wiped out in the
fighting, with much of their files captured. This alerted the
British to the problem, and they tightened up on radio chatter. The
loss of this source is also considered an important factor in
Rommel's later lack of success.
Allies
Allied codebreakers read much enciphered German message traffic,
especially that encrypted with the
Enigma
machine. This
ULTRA intelligence included
daily reports from Africa on the numbers and condition of Axis
forces. It also included information about Axis supply shipments
across the Mediterranean. This information enabled the weak Allied
air and naval forces there to intercept and destroy much of these
shipments. To protect the source of the intelligence (ULTRA),
Allied air and naval forces were forbidden to destroy the convoys
carrying war supplies to North Africa until a flyover to "discover"
the convoy was arranged and completed.
France 1943–1944
The inglorious end of the North African campaign meshed poorly with
the Nazi propaganda machine's relentless portrayal of Rommel as an
unbeatable military genius. This opened in Berlin the awkward
question of precisely what use now to make of the erstwhile Desert
Fox. Back in Germany he was for some time virtually "unemployed".
On 23
July 1943 he moved to Greece
as
commander of Army Group E to defend the
Greek coast against a possible Allied landing that never happened,
and which the Germans were led to expect due to the elaborate
British deception plan known as "Operation Mincemeat"—only to return to
Germany two days later upon the overthrow of Mussolini.
On 17
August 1943 Rommel moved his headquarters from Munich
to
Lake
Garda
as commander of a new Army
Group B created to defend northern Italy.
After Hitler gave General
Albert
Kesselring sole Italian command, on 21 November, Rommel moved
Army Group B to
Normandy in France with
responsibility for defending the French coast against the long
anticipated Allied invasion. He was dismayed by the lack of
completed works and the slow building pace and feared he had just
months before an invasion. Rommel reinvigorated the fortification
effort along the Atlantic coast. The Commander-in-Chief West,
Gerd von Rundstedt, expected the
Allies to invade in the
Pas-de-Calais
because it was the shortest crossing from Britain and the nearest
point to Germany. Hitler's HQ, although agreeing with this
assessment, also considered a landing at Normandy as a
possibility.Liddell Hart.
The Rommel Papers, p. 510
Irving.
The Trail of the Fox, p. 332. Rommel, believing
that Normandy was indeed a likely landing ground, argued that it
did not matter to the Allies where they landed, just that the
landing was successful.Liddell Hart.
The Rommel Papers, p.
510
Irving.
The Trail of the Fox, p. 326. He therefore toured
the Normandy defenses extensively in January and February 1944. He
ordered millions of mines laid and thousands of tank traps and
obstacles set up on beaches and throughout the countryside,
including in fields suitable for glider aircraft landings, the
so-called
Rommelspargel
("Rommel's asparagus").
After his battles in North Africa, Rommel concluded that during the
Allied offensive any German tank movement would be nearly
impossible due to overwhelming Allied air superiority. He argued
that the tank forces should be dispersed in small units and kept in
heavily fortified positions as close to the front as possible, so
they would not have to move far and
en masse when the
invasion started. He wanted the invasion stopped right on the
beaches. However, von Rundstedt felt that there was no way to stop
the invasion near the beaches due to the equally overwhelming
firepower of the Allied navies.
He felt the tanks should be formed into
large units well inland near Paris
where they
could allow the allies to extend into France and then cut off the
Allied troops. Other renowned Panzer commanders such as
Heinz Guderian agreed with von
Rundstedt. Panzer Group West commander
Geyr von Schweppenburg strongly
disagreed with Rommel, wanting the armour placed far inland.
When asked to pick a plan, Hitler vacillated. In late April, he
ordered them placed in the middle, far enough inland to be useless
to Rommel but not far enough for von Rundstedt. Rommel did move
some of the armoured formations under his command as far forward as
possible, ordering General
Erich
Marcks, commanding the 84th Corps defending the Normandy
section, to move his reserves into the frontline.
The Allies staged elaborate deceptions for
D-Day (see
Operation
Fortitude), giving the impression that the landings would be at
Calais. Although Hitler himself expected a Normandy invasion for a
while, Rommel and most Wehrmacht commanders in France also started
believing in a Pas-de-Calais landing.
Rommel concentrated
fortification building in the River Somme
estuary and let the work in Normandy lag. By
D-Day on 6 June 1944 virtually all German officers, including
Hitler's staff, firmly believed that Pas-de-Calais was going to be
the invasion site.
During the confusing opening hours of D-Day, the German command
structure in France was in disarray. Rommel, and several other
important officers were on leave. Several tank units, notably the
12th SS Panzer
Division and
Panzer Lehr, were close
enough to the beaches to create serious havoc. The absence of
Rommel and continued confusion in the army and theater HQs led to
hesitation in releasing the armoured reserves to Normandy when they
might be needed to meet a second invasion further north. Facing
only small-scale German attacks, the Allies quickly secured a
beachhead.
Rommel personally oversaw the bitter
fighting around Caen
where only
the determined defence of Kampfgruppe von Luck prevented a British breakout on
the first day. Here, again, the on-site commanders were
denied freedom of action and the Germans did not launch a
concentrated counterattack until mid-day on 6 June.
The Allies pushed ashore and expanded their beachhead despite the
best efforts of Rommel's troops. By mid-July the German position
was crumbling. On 17 July 1944 Rommel's staff car was strafed and
he was hospitalised with major head injuries.
Plot against Hitler
There had always been opposition to Hitler in conservative circles
and in the Army, the
Schwarze
Kapelle (Black Orchestra), but Hitler's dazzling successes in
1938–1941 stifled it. However, after the Russian campaign failed,
and the Axis suffered more defeats, this opposition underwent a
revival.
Early in 1944, three of Rommel's closest friends—Karl Strölin,
Alexander von
Falkenhausen and
Carl
Heinrich von Stuelpnagel—began efforts to bring Rommel into the
conspiracy. They felt that as by far the most popular officer in
Germany, he would lend their cause badly-needed credibility with
the populace. Additionally, they had yet to garner the support of
an active-duty field marshal.
Erwin
von Witzleben, who would have become commander-in-chief of the
Wehrmacht if Hitler had been overthrown, was a field marshal, but
had not been on active duty since 1942. Sometime in February,
Rommel agreed to lend his support to the conspiracy in order to, as
he put it, "come to the rescue of Germany."
Rommel, however, opposed assassinating Hitler. After the war, his
widow (among others) maintained that Rommel believed an
assassination attempt would spark civil war in Germany and Austria
and Hitler would have become a martyr for a lasting cause. Instead,
Rommel insisted that Hitler be arrested and brought to trial for
his crimes. By the time of his head injuries, Rommel had made up
his mind to do his part to get rid of Hitler.
After the failed
bomb attack of 20
July, many conspirators were arrested and the dragnet expanded
to anyone even suspected of participating. Rommel was fairly
perturbed at this development, telling
Hans
Speidel that Hitler's behavior after the attack proved that the
dictator had "gone completely mad". It did not take long, however,
for Rommel's involvement to come to light. His name was first
mentioned when Stuelpnagel blurted it out after a botched suicide
attempt. Later, another conspirator,
Caesar von Hofacker, admitted under
Gestapo torture that Rommel was actively involved.
Even more damningly,
Carl Goerdeler,
the main civilian leader of the Resistance, wrote on several
letters and other documents that Rommel was a potential supporter
and an acceptable military leader to be placed in a position of
responsibility should their coup succeed. Nazi party officials in
France reported that Rommel extensively and scornfully criticised
Nazi incompetence and crimes.
Rommel's death
Unfortunately for Rommel, the "Court of Military Honour," a
drumhead court-martial that
was to decide whether or not to hand him over to
Roland Freisler's
People's Court included two men with
whom Rommel had crossed swords before, Heinz Guderian and Gerd von
Rundstedt. The Court decided that Rommel should be expelled from
the Army in disgrace and brought before the People's Court, a
kangaroo court that always decided in
favour of the prosecution.
Hitler knew it would cause a major scandal if it came out that
Rommel had been involved in the plot, given his popularity with the
German people. He therefore decided that Rommel should have the
choice of either committing suicide or having his expulsion from
the Army formalized before being sent to People's Court.
Rommel was approached at his home by
Wilhelm Burgdorf and
Ernst Maisel, two generals from Hitler's
headquarters, on 14 October 1944. Burgdorf offered him a choice
from
Field Marshal Keitel: he could
face the People's Court or choose to commit
suicide quietly. In the former case, his staff would
have been arrested and his family would suffer. In the latter case,
the government would assure his family full
pension payments and a
state funeral claiming he had died a hero.
Burgdorf had brought a capsule of cyanide for the occasion. After a
few minutes' thought alone, Rommel announced that he chose to end
his own life and explained his decision to his wife and son.
Carrying his field marshal's baton, Rommel went to Burgdorf's
Opel, driven by SS Master Sergeant Heinrich
Doose, and was driven out of the village. Doose walked away from
the car leaving Rommel with Maisel. Five minutes later Burgdorf
gestured to the two men to return to the car, and Doose noticed
that Rommel was slumped over. Doose, while sobbing, replaced
Rommel's fallen cap on his head. Ten minutes later the group phoned
Rommel's wife to inform her that Rommel was dead.

Rommel's grave
After the war, an edited version of his diary was published as
The Rommel Papers. He is the only member of the
Third Reich establishment to have a museum
dedicated to him.
His grave can be found in Herrlingen, a
short distance west of Ulm
.
The official story of Rommel's death, as initially reported to the
general public, stated that Rommel had either suffered a
heart attack or succumbed to his injuries from
the earlier strafing of his
staff car. To
further strengthen the story, Hitler ordered an official day of
mourning in commemoration and Rommel was buried with full military
honours. Hitler sent Field Marshal von Rundstedt as his
representative at Rommel's funeral. Rommel had specified that no
political paraphernalia were to be displayed on his corpse, but the
Nazis made sure he was fully festooned with swastikas. The truth
behind Rommel's death didn't come out until Keitel testified about
it during the Nuremberg Trials.
Rommel as military commander
Rommel has been hailed as a brilliant tactician and competent
strategist but certainly not without flaws. Contemporaries who had
to work with him under adversity often had very few kind words to
say about him and his abilities. Following Paulus' return from his
inspection of Rommel's doings in North Africa and also considering
the reports submitted by Alfred Gause, Halder concluded: "Rommel's
character defects make him very hard to get along with but no one
cares to come out in open opposition because of his brutality and
the backing he has at top level." Others mentioned his leadership
style, which expected much of his commanders, while not being open
to criticism or objections. He had little patience for
sub-commanders who did not do their jobs properly. Only three weeks
after assuming command of the 7th Panzer Division in February 1940,
Rommel found a battalion commander performing below par and had the
man relieved of command and sent on his way in 90 minutes. This
management style would certainly send a signal that he demanded the
utmost of his men, but it was bound to create a feeling of
resentment among some of his officers.
F. W. von Mellenthin, who served on
Rommel's staff during the Africa campaign, wrote that Rommel took
great chances on several occasions, gambling entire battles on
decisions made almost on the spur of the moment and with incomplete
information. He cited Rommel's counterattack during Operation
Crusader as just one such instance. Others who served
under him in Africa, most notably General Fritz Bayerlein, said he
took risks but only after carefully weighing the potential dangers
and rewards. Rommel himself was aware of his growing reputation as
a gambler and added careful notes in his papers explaining and
defending his actions, especially concerning his decision to drive
into Egypt during the 1942 Summer Offensive.
While some aggressive subordinates, like
Hans von Luck, praised his leadership from the
front, Mellenthin questioned this leadership style as it often led
to disinvolvement of his staff officers in the fight instead of
their maintaining an overview of the situation. His consequential
long absences from HQ also meant that subordinates had to make
decisions without consulting Rommel, leading to confusion.
In France, Rommel's aggressive drive through the French and British
lines, disregarding the safety of his flanks and rear, succeeded to
a remarkable degree. His bold attacks often caused larger enemy
formations to surrender but his aggressiveness did cause resentment
among fellow officers, however, who felt he at times acted too
recklessly and failed to keep his sub-commanders and colleague
commanders properly informed of his intentions. He was also
criticized for claiming too much of the glory himself, neglecting
support from other elements of the Wehrmacht and downplaying other
units' achievements.
Rommel won many battles in Africa in 1941 and 1942 against British
forces that always outnumbered him and generally had better supply
lines, through aggressive action. On several occasions he violated
direct orders
not to attack. But his eagerness to drive
for Egypt, when the necessary logistical support was lacking, meant
that these drives ultimately failed with great losses. Rommel
perceived "unique opportunities" in capturing Egypt and perhaps the
Middle East. This result would definitely have had a huge impact on
the course of the war, but his grand vision was never supported by
Hitler nor the General Staff in Berlin to the extent that Rommel
desired. Nevertheless, he received all the troops that the African
theater could support, despite the pressing need for them on the
Eastern Front. His forces also got more support and equipment than
other formations of similar size and importance, such as an
unusually large number of motor vehicles.
Rommel himself only belatedly acknowledged that his continual
supply problems were not the result of intransigence or slacking by
the Italians, who handled the transshipment of his supplies, but
were a result of his aggressive actions in overextending his lines
of communication. In his analysis of the logistical aspects of the
North African Campaign, military historian
Martin van Creveld wrote:
Given that the Wehrmacht was only partly motorized and
unsupported by a really strong motor industry; that the political
situation necessitated the carrying of much useless Italian
ballast; that the capacity of the Libyan ports was so small, the
distances to be mastered so vast; it seems clear that, for all of
Rommel's tactical brilliance, the problem of supplying an Axis
force for an advance into the Middle East was
insoluble.
...
Rommel's repeated defiance of his orders and attempts
to advance beyond a reasonable distance from his bases, however,
was mistaken and should never have been tolerated.
British General
Harold Alexander
commanded Allied forces in the Middle East facing Rommel in Egypt
(from August 1942) and later commanded
18th Army Group in
Tunisia. In his official despatch on the
campaign in Africa, he wrote of Rommel :
Sir
David Hunt, one of
Alexander's intelligence officers, expressed the view in his own
book that:
During the siege of Tobruk, Rommel launched frequent costly attacks
during the first month of the siege. The level of losses incurred
caused Rommel to have several arguments with his unit commanders,
and also with the German High Command. Indeed, some sources
indicate that Chief of Staff
Halder had
to send Friedrich Paulus to Africa to rein Rommel in, although
Rommel himself maintained he had realized the futility of further
attacks on the fortress on his own accord.
Popular perception
Rommel was in his lifetime extraordinarily well known not only by
the German people but also by his adversaries. Popular stories of
his chivalry and tactical prowess earned him the respect of many
opponents, including
Claude
Auchinleck,
Winston Churchill,
George S. Patton, and
Bernard Montgomery (who named a dog after
him). Rommel, for his part, was complimentary towards and
respectful of his foes. Hitler considered Rommel among his
favourite generals.
The
Afrika Korps were never accused of any war crimes, and
Rommel himself referred to the fighting in North Africa as
Krieg ohne Hass—war without hate. Numerous examples exist
of Rommel's chivalry towards Allied POWs, such as his defiance of
Hitler's infamous
Commando Order
following the capture of Lt. Roy Woodridge and Lt. George Lane as
part of
Operation Fortitude, as
well as his refusal to comply with an order from Hitler to execute
Jewish POWs. During Rommel's time in France, Hitler ordered him to
deport the Jews in France; Rommel disobeyed the order. Several
times he wrote letters protesting the treatment of the Jews. When
British Major
Geoffrey
Keyes was killed during a failed commando raid to kill or
capture Rommel behind German lines, Rommel ordered him buried with
full military honours. Also, during the construction of the
Atlantic Wall, Rommel directed that
French workers were not to be used as slaves but were to be paid
for their labour.
His military colleagues also played their part in perpetuating his
legend. His former subordinate Kircheim, though privately critical
of Rommel's performance, nonetheless explained: "thanks to
propaganda, first by Goebbels, then by Montgomery, and finally,
after he was poisoned (sic), by all former enemy powers, he has
become a symbol of the best military traditions. ...Any public
criticism of this legendary personality would damage the esteem in
which the German soldier is held"
After the war, when Rommel's alleged involvement in the plot to
kill Hitler became known, his stature was enhanced greatly among
the former Allied nations. Rommel was often cited in Western
sources as a general who, though a loyal German, was willing to
stand up to the evil that was Hitler. The release of the film
The Desert Fox:
The Story of Rommel (1951) helped enhance his reputation
as one of the most widely known and well-regarded leaders in the
German Army. In 1970 a
Lütjens-class
destroyer was named the
FGS
Rommel in his honour.
Quotations about Rommel
The
British
Parliament
considered a censure vote against Winston Churchill following the surrender
of Tobruk
. The
vote failed, but in the course of the debate, Churchill stated:
- "We have a very daring and skillful opponent against us,
and, may I say across the havoc of war, a great general."
Churchill again, on hearing of
Rommel's death:
- "He also deserves our respect, because, although a loyal
German soldier, he came to hate Hitler and all his works, and took
part in the conspiracy to rescue Germany by displacing the maniac
and tyrant. For this, he paid the forfeit of his
life. In the sombre wars of modern democracy, there is
little place for chivalry."
Theodor Werner was an officer who,
during World War I, served under Rommel:
- "Anybody who came under the spell of his personality turned
into a real soldier. However tough the strain he seemed
inexhaustible. He seemed to know what the enemy were like
and how they would react."
British General
Claude Auchinleck,
one of Rommel's opponents in Africa, in a letter to his field
commanders:
- "There exists a real danger that our friend Rommel is
becoming a kind of magical or bogey-man to our troops, who are
talking far too much about him. He is by no means a
superman, although he is undoubtedly very energetic and able.
Even if he were a superman, it would still be highly
undesirable that our men should credit him with supernatural
powers" and he ended the memo with the line "I am not
jealous of Rommel."
Medals and Decorations
Dates of Ranks
In popular culture
Rommel has been portrayed by:
Rommel features in the following:
- In Philip K. Dick's alternative history novel
The Man in the High
Castle, Rommel is the Nazi-appointed president of the
United States of America in the early 1960s.
- In Douglas Niles's and Michael Dobson's alternative history
novel Fox on the Rhine
(ISBN 0-8125-7466-4), Hitler is killed by the bomb plot of 20 July
1944. This leads to Rommel's survival, and a different quick
offensive strike. This is repelled and the book ends with his
surrender to the Americans and British, in the belief that the
Germans would be better off with the Western powers than with the
Soviets. Fox on the Rhine was followed by a sequel,
Fox at the Front (ISBN
0-641-67696-4).
- In Donna Barr's novel Bread and
Swans, the historical Rommel shares his concerns and career
with a fictitious younger brother, Pfirsich, also known as The Desert Peach. Both Rommels also appear
as focal characters of Barr's long-running comic strip series about
"The Peach".
- In Harry Turtledove's
Timeline-191 an American
officer named Irving Morrel shares many similarities with
Rommel.
- In Steven Pressfield's
Killing Rommel, featuring a
fictionalized account of a patrol of the LRDG
during the North African
Campaign of World War II.
- In the anime Mobile Suit
Gundam SEED and its sequel Mobile Suit Gundam SEED
Destiny the character of Andrew
Waltfeld was based heavily on Rommel.
- Patton vs. Rommel is a
computer war game designed and programmed by Chris Crawford, and
published by Electronic Arts in 1987 for the Macintosh and PC
systems.
See also
References
Notes
- explanatory notes
- Hakim, War, Peace and all that Jazz, p.
- Bierman and Smith, p. 56
- Current Biography Yearbook 1942 New
York: H.W. Wilson, 1943. pp. 701–04. See also:
http://www.storico.org/Rommel.htm
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 39
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 6.
- von Luck. Panzer Commander. p. 38
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 44
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 45
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 50
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 51
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 55
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 56
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 106
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army, p. 9.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 107
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 110
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army, p. 10.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 121
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 126
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 84.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 129
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 90.
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 92.
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 146
- Stegman, p. 729
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 159
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 76.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 162
- Fritz Bayerlein in Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p.
165
- Stegman,
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 166
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 88
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 99.
- Fritz Bayerlein, The Rommel Papers, Chapter 8.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.195
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.196
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.217
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.224
- William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich
(Touchstone Edition) (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990)
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.233
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.234
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 150.
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 152.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 235
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.239
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.254
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.267
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.268
- Carver, El Alamein p.67
- Lewin, Rommel as Military Commander, p. 160
- Carver, El Alamein p.70
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 286
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 298
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 299
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 305
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 306
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 307
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 319
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 322
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 326
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 342–357
- Intercepted Communications for Field Marshal Erwin
Rommel » HistoryNet
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 327.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 508
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 345.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 347.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 354.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 362.
- Hans Speidel, Invasion 1944 (Chicago: Henry Regnery,
1950), pp. 68, 73.
- Manfred Rommel, Nuremberg testimony
- Irving The Trail of the Fox,
- Marshall, p189, The Rommel Murder
- Ryan, A Bridge Too Far, p. 43
- Liddell Hart, The Rommel Papers
- Irving, Trail of the Fox, p. 42.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 165
- Liddell Hart, The Rommel Papers, p. 235.
- von Mellenthin. Panzer Battles, p. 58.
- van Creveld, Martin Supplying
War p.201
- . Details several specific instances of Rommel's disinclination
to go along with the Nazi antisemitic policy and consequent
orders.
- The World At Arms, Reader's Digest, 1989
- citations
- Hakim, War, Peace and all that Jazz, p.
- Bierman and Smith, p. 56
- Current Biography Yearbook 1942 New
York: H.W. Wilson, 1943. pp. 701–04. See also:
http://www.storico.org/Rommel.htm
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 39
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 6.
- von Luck. Panzer Commander. p. 38
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 44
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 45
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 50
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 51
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 55
- Irving, The Trail of the Fox, p. 56
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 106
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army, p. 9.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 107
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 110
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army, p. 10.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 121
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 126
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 84.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 129
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 90.
- Irving. Trail of the Fox, p. 92.
- Windrow. Rommel's Desert Army.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 146
- Stegman, p. 729
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 159
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 76.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 162
- Fritz Bayerlein in Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p.
165
- Stegman,
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 166
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 88
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 99.
- Fritz Bayerlein, The Rommel Papers, Chapter 8.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.195
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.196
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.217
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.224
- William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich
(Touchstone Edition) (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990)
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.233
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.234
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 150.
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p. 152.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 235
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.239
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.254
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.267
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p.268
- Carver, El Alamein p.67
- Lewin, Rommel as Military Commander, p. 160
- Carver, El Alamein p.70
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 286
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 298
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 299
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 305
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 306
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 307
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 319
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 322
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 326
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 342–357
- Intercepted Communications for Field Marshal Erwin
Rommel » HistoryNet
- von Mellenthin, Panzer Battles, p.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 327.
- Liddell Hart. The Rommel Papers, p. 508
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 345.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 347.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 354.
- Irving. The Trail of the Fox, p. 362.
- Hans Speidel, Invasion 1944 (Chicago: Henry Regnery,
1950), pp. 68, 73.
- Manfred Rommel, Nuremberg testimony
- Irving The Trail of the Fox,
- Marshall, p189, The Rommel Murder
- Ryan, A Bridge Too Far, p. 43
- Liddell Hart, The Rommel Papers
- Irving, Trail of the Fox, p. 42.
- Liddell Hart The Rommel Papers, p. 165
- Liddell Hart, The Rommel Papers, p. 235.
- von Mellenthin. Panzer Battles, p. 58.
- van Creveld, Martin Supplying
War p.201
- . Details several specific instances of Rommel's disinclination
to go along with the Nazi antisemitic policy and consequent
orders.
- The World At Arms, Reader's Digest, 1989
Sources
External links