Demographic
Foreigners in Japan in 2000 by citizenship.
Source:Japan Statistics Bureau
Only about 1.6% of Japan's total legal resident population are
foreign nationals. According to 2008 data from the Japanese
government, the principal groups are as follows.
| Nationality |
Number |
Percentage |
| China (PRC) / Taiwan (ROC) |
606,889 |
28.2% |
| South Korea / North Korea |
593,489 |
27.6% |
| Brazil |
316,967 |
14.7% |
| Philippines |
202,592 |
9.4% |
| Peru |
59,696 |
2.8% |
| USA |
51,851 |
2.4% |
| Others |
321,489 |
14.9% |
| Total (as of 2007) |
2,152,973 |
100% |
|
The above
statistic does not include about 30,000 U.S.
soldiers
stationed in Japan and illegal immigrants. Moreover, the
statistics do not reflect minority groups who are Japanese citizens
such as the
Ainu (an aboriginal people
primarily living in Hokkaido), the
Ryukyuans (who may or may not be considered
ethnically
Yamato people), and ethnic
Koreans and Chinese who have adopted Japanese citizenship.
Japanese ethnic minorities
The nine largest minority groups residing in Japan are the North
and South
Korean,
Chinese,
Brazilian people (most Brazilians in Japan
have
some Japanese ancestors),
Filipino people,
Taiwanese people, the
Ainu, the
Ryukyuan.
There are also a number of smaller ethnic communities in Japan with
a much shorter history.
Korean people
Zainichi (resident in Japan)
Koreans
are permanent residents of Japan, but hold North or
South Korean citizenship. Most Zainichi came to Japan during
the colonial period.
A large proportion of this immigration is said to be the result of
Korean landowners and workers losing their land and livelihood to
Japanese land and production confiscation initiatives and migrating
to Japan for work. According to the calculation of
R. J. Rummel, a total of 5.4 million Koreans were
also conscripted into forced labor, and
shipped throughout the Japanese Empire
. Of these, 210,000 to 870,000 Koreans died
during forced labor in places such as Manchuria and Sakhalin
.
Many
Korean refugees also came to the country during the Jeju massacre
in the First Republic of South
Korea. Though most migrants returned to Korea,
GHQ estimates in 1946
indicated that 650,000 Koreans remained in Japan.
After
World War II, the Korean community in Japan was split between
allegiance to South
Korea
(Mindan) and North Korea
(Chongryon). South
Koreans in Japan are called
Zainichi Kankokujin (在日韓国人,
재일한국인), while North Koreans are called
Zainichi Chosenjin
(在日朝鮮人, 재일조선인).
Zainichi who identify themselves with Chongryon are also an
important money source of North Korea. One estimate suggests that
the total annual transfers from Japan to North Korea may exceed
$200 million.
Japanese law does not allow dual citizenship, and until the 1980s
required adoption of a Japanese name for citizenship. Partially for
this reason, many Zainichi did not obtain Japanese citizenship as
they saw the process to be humiliating.
Although more Zainichi are becoming Japanese citizens, issues of
identity remain complicated. Even those who do not choose to become
Japanese citizens often use Japanese names to avoid discrimination
and live their lives as if they were Japanese. This is in contrast
with the Chinese living in Japan, who generally use their Chinese
names and openly form Chinatown communities.
The Diène report identifies Zainichi Koreans as those who have been
most discriminated against in Japan, for example in employment,
housing and marriage.
An increase in tensions between Japan and North Korea in the late
1990s led to a surge of attacks against Chongryon, the pro-North
residents organisation, including a pattern of assaults against
Korean schoolgirls in Japan. For a long time, Chongryon enjoyed
unofficial immunity from searches and investigations, although it
has long been suspected of a variety of criminal acts on behalf of
North Korea, such as illegal transfer of funds to North Korea and
espionage.
The Japanese authorities have recently started to crack down on
Chongryon with investigations and arrests. These moves are often
criticized by Chongryon as acts of political suppression.
When
Tokyo
Governor Shintaro
Ishihara referred to Chinese and Koreans as 三国人 sangokujin in context of foreigners being a
potential source of unrest in the aftermath of an earthquake, the
foreign community complained.
Historically, the word has often been used
pejoratively and Ishihara's statement brought images of the
massacre of Koreans by civilians and police alike after the
1923 Great Kanto
earthquake
to mind. Therefore, the use of the term in
context of potential rioting by foreigners is considered by many as
provocative, if not explicitly racist.
Chinese people
Mainland Chinese are the second largest minority in Japan after
Koreans. Mainland Chinese in particular have been targets of
anti-immigrant sentiment along with government, police and media
portrayal of them as being likely to commit crime.
Indeed, an investigator from the
United Nations
Commission on Human Rights (
UNCHR) said,
racism against
Koreans and
Chinese is deeply rooted in Japan because of
history and culture.
Taiwanese people
There are a number of Taiwanese people that reside in Japan due to
close (yet unofficial) ties between Taiwan and Japan. Taiwan was a
colony of Japan from 1895 to 1945 and Taiwanese during this time
were considered Japanese citizens.
Ainu
The
Ainu are an indigenous group mainly
living in Hokkaidō
. The Tokugawa Shogunate tried to develop
Hokkaido to counter Russia
's growing
influence in the Far East, but mostly left
the place for the native Ainu. Then the Meiji government
started development programs, increasingly aimed at assimilating
the Ainu, outlawing
Ainu language and
restricting them to farming on government-provided plots.
Many of the Ainu were also used in slave-like conditions by the
Japanese fishing industry. As the Japanese government encouraged
immigration of ethnic Japanese to populate Hokkaido, the Ainu
became increasingly marginalised in their own land.
At present, fewer than 20,000 Ainu are considered racially
distinct. Most, if not all, of the Ainu in Japan are of mixed
ancestry. 80-90% of Ainu now either ignore or don't know of their
Ainu identity. Many customs and traditions of the Ainu have been
lost, abandoned or annihilated by way of assimilation, and the Ainu
language is no longer in common use.
Only in the decades after World War II have the Ainu started to
become aware of international aboriginal rights movements. Thus, as
of late, some schools in Hokkaido have been established to preserve
and revive the Ainu culture.
Ryukyuan people
The
Ryukyuan people lived in an independent
kingdom
until it came under the control of Japan's Satsuma Domain in 1609. The kingdom, however,
retained a degree of autonomy until 1879 when the islands were
officially annexed by Japan as Okinawa prefecture
.
The
Okinawan language, the most
widely spoken
Ryukyuan language,
is related to Japanese from
Japonic
Languages. There are still some children learning Ryukyuan
languages natively, but this is rare even on mainland Okinawa. The
language still is used in traditional cultural activities, such as
folk music, or folk dance.
Culturally, Okinawa
is also close to southern China
, Taiwan
, and
Southeast Asia reflecting its long
history of trade with these regions. However, because of the
standard use of Japanese in schools, television, and all print
media in Okinawa, these cultural differences are often glossed over
in Japanese society. Consequently, many Japanese consider Okinawans
to be Japanese, sometimes ignoring their distinct cultural and
historical heritage in insensitive ways.
Some
Okinawans intensely resent what they perceive to be second-class
treatment from the Japanese government , especially in regard to
friction with the United
States
military presence in Okinawa.
Burakumin
The
Buraku people are a stigmatized group
who have faced bigotry and persecution in Japan for centuries. They
have been characterized as "the invisible race", because while they
are still considered socially inferior by much of Japanese society,
they are not typically held to be racially different.
Presently, there is a steep income difference between "buraku" and
"non buraku" people ranging at about one million yen, or $10,000
income per year less than the Japanese mainstream. Lately however,
there has been some awareness of the mistreatment of the Buraku and
some measures have been taken to provide these people with better
education and housing situations.
The history of the prejudice of these people comes from ancient
times when the Burakumin were labeled "unclean" because of their
occupations as leather cleaners, butchers, or executioners. There
are approximately 2-3 million burakumin in the country.
Today, many influential Japanese figures such as politicians,
actors, artists, and businessmen, are compelled to conceal their
true Buraku heritage for fear of losing their positions because of
such heavy prejudice. The Burakumin are commonly compared to the
untouchable caste present in the
Indian caste system and the
cagots of Europe, because of the similar lower class
positioning in society as well as the discrimination from the
greater population.
Other groups
Other notable minorities in Japan include
Brazilians and
Filipinos.
Western
foreigners in Japan, particularly those from Europe, North America,
Australia and New Zealand
, are often called 外国人 Gaikokujin or 外人
Gaijin. The first large
influx of such foreigners occurred in the 1980s, when the Japanese
government adopted a policy to give scholarships to large numbers
of foreign students to study at Japanese universities.
In addition, as the Japanese economy grew quickly in the 1980s, a
sizable number of Westerners began coming to Japan. Many found jobs
as English conversation teachers, but others were employed in
various professional fields such as finance and business. Although
some have become permanent residents or even
naturalized citizens, they are generally
perceived as short-term visitors and treated as outside of Japanese
society.
During
the 1980s and 1990s, the Keidanren
business lobbying organization advocated a policy of allowing
South Americans of Japanese ancestry
(mainly Brazilians
and Peruvians
) to work in Japan, as Japan's industries faced a
major labor shortage. Although this policy has been
decelerated in recent years, many of these individuals continue to
live in Japan, some in ethnic enclaves near their workplaces.
Many
people from Southeast Asia (particularly Vietnam
and the Philippines
) and Southwest Asia
(particularly Iran
) also
entered Japan during this time, making foreigners as a group a more
visible minority in Japan. Those foreigners are called 来日
Rainichi ("coming to Japan") in contrast to 在日
Zainichi ("in Japan").
The main concerns of the latter groups are often related to their
legal status, a public perception of criminal activity, and general
discrimination associated with being non-Japanese.
Although there is only a small
Jewish
community in Japan, comprised of mostly American businessmen, and
Jews have little historical ties to the country, Japan has been
repeatedly accused of anti-semitism.
Black people
During the 1960s,
Takara created and sold a
doll called
Dakko-chan (
ダッコちゃん),
an inflatable dark-colored plastic doll with fat lips and arms that
could wrap around human arms or other pole-like objects. It became
the company mascot until 1990. After receiving numerous complaints,
the sales of the doll were stopped.
Sales of Japanese translations of the book
Little Black Sambo (ちびくろサンボ
chibikuro sanbo) and dolls were halted by protests by
foreign residents and international pressure in 1988. In 2005,
however, Little Black Sambo once again went on sale in Japan.
Ethnic issues
Government policy
Because of the low importance placed on assimilating minorities in
Japan, laws regarding ethnic matters receive low priority in the
legislative process. Still, in 1997, "Ainu cultural revival"
legislation was passed which replaced the previous "Hokkaido Former
Aboriginal Protection" legislation that had devastating effects on
the Ainu in the past.
Article 14 of the
Constitution of
Japan states that all
people (English version) or
citizens (revised Japanese version) are equal under the
law, and they cannot be discriminated against politically,
economically, or socially on the basis of race, belief, sex, or
social or other background.
However, Japan does not have civil rights legislation which
enforces or penalizes discriminatory activities committed by
citizens, businesses, or non-governmental organizations.
Attempts have been made in the
Diet to
enact human rights legislation. In 2002, a draft was submitted to
the
House of
Representatives, but did not reach a vote. Had the law passed,
it would have set up a Human Rights Commission to investigate, name
and shame, or financially penalize discriminatory practices as well
as hate speech committed by private citizens or
establishments.
Though the anti-discrimination clause raised little objection, the
anti-hate speech clause received very hostile reception from
Japanese media. In 2005, the ruling coalition government attempted
to resubmit a revised version of the draft which somewhat limited
the application of hate speech clause, but it still failed to reach
a consensus within the ruling
Liberal Democratic
Party.
Another issue which has been publicly debated but has not received
much legislative attention is whether to allow permanent residents
to vote in local legislatures.
Zainichi organizations
affiliated with North Korea are against this initiative, while
Zainichi organizations affiliated with South Korea support
it.
Finally, there is debate about altering requirements for work
permits to foreigners. Currently, the Japanese government does not
issue work permits unless it can be demonstrated that the person
has certain skills which cannot be provided by locals.
Access to housing and other services
Some apartments, motels, night clubs, and public baths in Japan
have put up signs stating that foreigners are not allowed, or that
they must be accompanied by a Japanese person to enter However
these places are rare and many Japanese claim that the prohibitions
are due to perceived social incompatibility—for example, foreigners
may not understand proper bathhouse etiquette—and not racism.
Some legal battles have been fought on this issue. Most notably,
activist
Debito Arudou, a naturalized
Japanese citizen of American descent, has sued the Japanese
government several times for not upholding Article 14 of the
Constitution.
In housing there is also discrimination based on ethnicity. In a
2006 survey by the Information Center for Foreigners in Japan, 94%
of foreign residents reported being refused by at least one real
estate agent.
In fact, there were a substantial number of lawsuits in regards to
discrimination against foreigners. For example, in 2005, a Korean
woman who attempted to rent a room was refused because she was not
a Japanese citizen. She filed a discrimination lawsuit, and she won
in Japanese court.
“Discrimination toward foreign nationals in their searches for
homes continues to be one of the biggest problems”, said the head
of the Ethnic Media Press Centre. Organizers of the service said
they hope to eradicate the racism that prevents foreigners,
particularly Non-Westerners, from renting apartments since there
are currently no laws in Japan that ban discrimination.
Higher learning
Although foreign professors teach throughout the Japanese higher
education system,
Robert J. Geller of University of Tokyo
reported, in 1992, that it was extremely rare for
them to be given tenure.
Non-Japanese citizens and crimes
Similar to other countries, many foreigners come to Japan to work,
sometimes entering the country illegally, and overstaying the terms
of their visas. Their employment tends to be concentrated in areas
where most Japanese are not able to or no longer wish to work.
Consequently, accusations of foreigners stealing jobs are not often
heard in Japan.
According to National Police Authority record in 2002, however,
16,212 foreigners were caught committing 34,746 crimes, over half
of which turned out to be visa violations (residing/working in
Japan without a valid visa). The statistics show that 12,667 cases
(36.5%) and 6,487 individuals (40.0%) were Chinese, 5,272 cases
(15.72%) and 1,186 individuals (7.3%) were Brazilian, and 2,815
cases (8.1%) and 1,738 individuals (10.7%) were Korean. The total
number of crimes committed in the same year by Japanese was 546,934
cases.
Within these statistics, Japanese committed 6,925 violent crimes,
of which 2,531 were
arson or
rape, while foreigners committed 323 violent crimes,
but only 42 cases are classified as arson or rape. Foreigners,
however, were more likely to commit crimes in groups. About 61.5%
of crimes committed by foreigners had one or more accomplice, while
only 18.6% of crimes committed by Japanese were in groups.
However, the former head of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government's
Emergency Public Safety Task Force, Hiroshi Kubo, published a book
disputing foreign crime statistics, suggesting that such statistics
were being manipulated by politicians for political gain. He
suggested, for example, that including visa violations in crime
statistics is misleading. He also said that the crime rate in Tokyo
is based on reported rather than actual crimes.
A Comment by U.N. Special Reporter on Racism and
Xenophobia
In
2005, a
United
Nations special rapporteur on racism and xenophobia expressed
concerns about "deep and profound" racism in Japan and insufficient
government recognition of the problem.
Doudou Diène (Special Rapporteur of the
UN Commission on Human
Rights), concluded after an investigation and nine-day tour of
Japan
that racial discrimination and xenophobia in Japan primarily affects three
groups: national minorities, descendants of former Japanese colonies and foreigners from
other Asian countries. In spite of the widespread belief
that Japan is ethnically homogeneous, it is probably more accurate
to describe it as a multiethnic society.
Sankei Shimbun, a Japanese national
newspaper, while expressing a support for combating discrimination,
expressed doubt on the impartiality of the report, pointing out
that Doudou Diène never visited Japan before and his short tour was
arranged by a Japanese NGO, IMADR (International Movement Against
All Forms of Discrimination).
The chairman of the organisation is Professor Kinhide Mushakoji
(武者小路公秀), who is a board member (and the ex director of the board)
of the International Institute of the
Juche
Idea (主体思想国際研究所), an organisation whose stated purpose is to
propagate the official ideology of North Korea.
See also
References
- Japan Statistics Bureau, accessed 8 December
2007
- [1] ].
- John Lie
Zainichi (Koreans in Japan)))(Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2008)
- Available online:
- Tokyo's Leverage Over Pyongyang, Charles Wolf,
Jr., The Wall Street Journal Asia,
November 21, 2006.[2]
- Terror attacks on Koreans rise in Japan
accessed at January 16, 2008
- FM Spokesman Urges Japan to Stop Suppression of
Chongryon, Choson Sinbo, 5/13/06.
- Voice of America news
-
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,910511,00.html
- Wood, Joe. The Yellow Negro. Stable
URL:http://www.jstor.org/view/00411191/dm994485/99p0110e/0
- Burakumin-Everything on Burakumin. 3 April
http://www.spiritus-temporis.com/burakumin/
- Rotem
Kowner, On Ignorance, Respect and Suspicion: Current Japanese
Attitudes toward Jews, ACTA: Analysis
of Current Trends in Antisemitism, 1997, No. 11, p.
53.
- Japanese publisher defies Little Black Sambo
protest on Guardian Unlimited News accessed at January 16,
2008
- LDP forgoes immediate Diet submission of human
rights bill | Japan Policy & Politics | Find Articles at
BNET
- "THE ROGUES' GALLERY" PHOTOS OF PLACES IN JAPAN WHICH
EXCLUDE OR RESTRICT NON-JAPANESE CUSTOMERS on Debito's official
website accessed at January 16, 2008
- Foreigners still dogged by housing barriers on The
Japan Times accessed at January 16, 2008
- The Chosun Ilbo article
- a UNHCHR report PREVENTION OF DISCRIMINATION The
rights of non-citizens
- Robert J. Geller, Letters: Tenure for Foreigners in Japan,
Science, 258, 5087,
1421 (1992).
- "Japan racism 'deep and profound".
BBC News (2005-07-11).
Retrieved on 2007-01-05.
- John Lie
Multiethnic Japan (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 2001)
- "報告の陰に連携 (産経新聞「妙」 2005/11/13)
国連人権委員会のディエヌ特別報告者(セネガル)が七日、国連総会第三委員会(人権)で、日本に存在する差別を指摘、それを受けて中国、韓国、北朝鮮の代表が日本を批判したという記事が目に留まった。「差別」の存在は厳粛に受け止め、解消に向けて努力するべきだが、あまりに見事な連携ではないか。「仕組まれた」という思いが拭いきれない。近年、日本に「悪意」をいだくグループが「人権」を武器に、国連を利用し日本に”言いがかり”をつけることがよくあるが、今回もそうではなかったか。そもそもディエヌ氏とはどういった経歴の持ち主なのか。そして、日本のどこをどれほどの期間調査したのか。また、彼をアテンドしたのはどういった団体だったのか。疑問は次々とわいてきた。国連広報センターに問い合わせてみた。明らかになった事実を記す。ディエヌ氏は1993年から2002年にかけて国連科学文化機関(ユネスコ)の文化間・宗教間対話部長を務め、02年に国連人権委員会により現代的形態の人種主義、人種差別、排外主義および関連する不寛容に関する特別報告者に任命された。今年の七月三日から十二日まで日本を訪れ、大阪、京都、北海道で被差別部落、在日韓国人・朝鮮人、アイヌ民族などのグループと面接調査した。訪問は初めてだった。 ディエヌ氏の調査をアレンジしたのは、反差別国際運動というNGO。この団体の理事長は武者小路公秀氏。ピースおおさか(大阪市)の会長であり、金正日の思想を普及しようとするチュチェ思想国際研究所と関係の深い人物である。(桑原聡)"
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