Hubert Horatio Humphrey, Jr.
(May 27, 1911 –
January 13, 1978) served under President Lyndon B. Johnson
as the 38th Vice President of the United
. Humphrey twice served as a United States Senator from Minnesota, and served as Democratic Majority Whip.
He was a founder of the
and Americans for Democratic
. He also served as Mayor of Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1945–1949.
In 1968, Humphrey was
the nominee of the Democratic Party
but narrowly lost to the Republican
nominee, Richard Nixon
was born in Wallace, South
He was the son of Hubert Humphrey, Sr. and
Ragnild Kristine Sannes, who was Norwegian
. Humphrey spent most of his youth in the
small town of Doland, South Dakota, on the Dakota prairie;
during his years living in Doland the town's population was around
His father was the town pharmacist
and a community leader; he served as
Doland's mayor and as a town council member. In the late 1920s a
severe economic downturn hit Doland; both of the town's banks
closed and Humphrey's father struggled to keep his drugstore
son graduated from Doland's high school, Hubert, Sr. left Doland
and opened a new drugstore in the larger town of Huron, South
Dakota (population 11,000), where he hoped to improve his
fortunes. As a result of the family's financial
struggles, Hubert had to leave the University of
Minnesota after just one year to help his father in the new
drugstore. He earned a pharmacist's license from the
Capitol College of Pharmacy in Denver, Colorado (completing a two-year licensure program in just
six months), and spent the years from 1930 to 1937 helping his
father run the family drugstore.
He was a brother of
Phi Delta Chi
(Theta Chapter), a
professional pharmaceutical fraternity and an honorary brother of
Alpha Phi Alpha
, an African-American
fraternity. He was also a brother of Tau
. Over time the "Humphrey Drug Company" in Huron
became a profitable enterprise and the family was able to prosper
However, Hubert did not enjoy working as a pharmacist, and his
dream remained to earn a doctorate in political science and become
a college professor. In 1937 he returned to the University of
Minnesota and earned a bachelor's degree in 1939. He also earned a
master's degree from Louisiana State University in 1940, serving as an assistant instructor of
political science there.
One of his classmates was Russell B. Long
, a future U.S. Senator from Louisiana.
He then became an instructor and doctoral
student at the University of Minnesota from 1940 to 1941 (joining
the American Federation
), and was a supervisor for the Works Progress Administration
(WPA). Humphrey would soon become active in Minneapolis politics,
and as a result he never finished his Ph.D.
Marriage and family
In 1934 Hubert began dating Muriel Buck
she was a bookkeeper and graduate of local Huron College
. They were married in 1936 and
remained married until Humphrey's death nearly 42 years later. They
had four children: Hubert Humphrey
, Nancy Faye Humphrey
Robert, and Douglas. Unlike many prominent politicians Humphrey
never became wealthy, and through most of his years as a U.S.
and Vice-President his home was located in a modest middle-class
housing development in Chevy Chase, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C.. In 1958 Hubert and Muriel used their savings
to build a lakefront home in Waverly, Minnesota, some forty miles west of Minneapolis.
City and state politics (1942–1948)
During World War II
, Humphrey tried
twice to join the armed forces, but was rejected both times due to
. Instead, he served in an
administrative capacity in a variety of wartime government
agencies; he also worked as a college instructor. In 1942 he was
the state director of new production training and reemployment and
chief of the Minnesota war service program. In 1943 he was the
assistant director of the War Manpower Commission. From 1943-1944
Humphrey was a professor in political science at Macalester
College in St.
Paul and from 1944-1945 he was a news commentator for a
Minneapolis radio station.
In 1943, Humphrey made his first run for elective office, for
Although he lost, his poorly-funded campaign still captured over
47% of the vote. In 1944, Humphrey was one of the key players in
the merger of the Democratic
Minnesota to form the Minnesota
(DFL). When in 1945 Minnesota
attempted to seize control of
the new party, Humphrey became an engaged anti-Communist
and led the successful fight
to oust the Communists from the DFL.
After the war, he again ran for mayor
Minneapolis and won the election with 61% of the vote. He served as
mayor from 1945–1949. He was re-elected in 1947 by the largest
margin in the city's history to that time. Humphrey gained national
fame during these years by becoming one of the founders of the
liberal anti-communist Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) and
for reforming the Minneapolis police force. Previously, the city
had been declared the antisemitism
capital of the country and the small African-American
population of the city
encountered numerous instances of racial discrimination. Humphrey
worked hard to end these examples of racism, and his tenure as
mayor would be famous for his efforts to fight bigotry in all its
The 1948 Democratic National Convention
The national Democratic Party of 1948 was split between liberals
who thought the federal government
should assertively guarantee civil
for non-whites and southern conservatives
who thought that states should
have the power to enforce racial segregation
and limit the rights of non-white citizens (the "states' rights
At the 1948
Democratic National Convention
, the party platform
division and contained only platitudes in favor of civil rights.
Though the incumbent President Harry S
had already issued a detailed 10-point Civil Rights
calling for aggressive federal action on the issue of
civil rights, he gave his backing to the party establishment's
platform that was a replication of the 1944 Democratic National
plank on civil rights.
A diverse coalition opposed this tepid platform, including
anti-communist liberals like Humphrey, Paul
and John Shelley
, all of
whom would later become known as leading progressives in the
Democratic Party. These liberals proposed adding a "minority plank"
to the party platform that would commit the Democratic Party to a
more aggressive opposition to racial
. The minority plank called for federal legislation
, an end to legalized
school segregation in the South, and ending job discrimination
based on skin color. Also strongly backing the liberal civil
rights plank were Democratic urban bosses like Ed Flynn of the
Bronx, who promised the votes of northeastern delegates
to Humphrey's platform, Jacob Arvey of
Chicago, and David
Lawrence of Pittsburgh.
Although viewed as being conservatives,
these urban bosses believed that Northern Democrats could gain many
black votes by supporting civil rights, and that losses among
anti-civil rights Southern Democrats would be relatively small.
Though many scholars have suggested that labor unions were leading
figures in this coalition, no significant labor leaders attended
the convention, with the exception of the heads of the Congress of
Industrial Organizations Political Action Committee (CIOPAC), Jack
Kroll and A.F. Whitney.
Despite aggressive pressure by Truman's aides to avoid forcing the
issue on the Convention floor, Humphrey chose to speak on behalf of
the minority plank. In a renowned speech, Humphrey passionately
told the Convention, "To those who say, my friends, to those who
say, that we are rushing this issue of civil rights, I say to them
we are 172 years too late! To those who say, this civil rights
program is an infringement on states' rights, I say this: the time
has arrived in America for the Democratic Party to get out of the
shadow of states' rights and walk forthrightly into the bright
sunshine of human rights!" Humphrey and his allies succeeded; the
pro-civil-rights plank was narrowly adopted.
result of the Convention's vote, the Mississippi and one half of the Alabama delegation walked out of the hall.
Southern Democrats were so enraged at this affront to their "way of
life" that they formed the Dixiecrat party
and nominated their own presidential candidate, Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina.
The goal of the Dixiecrats was to take
several Southern states away from Truman and thus cause his defeat.
The Southern Democrats reasoned that after such a defeat the
national Democratic Party would never again aggressively pursue a
pro-civil rights agenda. However, this move actually backfired.
Although the strong civil rights plank adopted at the Convention
cost Truman the support of the Dixiecrats, it gained him important
votes from blacks, especially in large northern cities. As a result
Truman won a stunning upset victory over his Republican
Thomas E. Dewey
. Truman's victory demonstrated that
the Democratic Party no longer needed the "Solid South" to win
presidential elections, and thus weakened Southern Democrats
instead of strengthening their position. Pulitzer Prize
-winning historian David McCullough
has written that Humphrey
probably did more to get Truman elected in 1948 than anyone other
than Truman himself.
The Happy Warrior (1948–1964)
Minnesota elected Humphrey to the United States Senate
on the DFL
ticket, and he
took office on January 3, 1949. He was the first Democrat elected
senator from the state of Minnesota since before the Civil War.
Humphrey's father died that year, and Humphrey stopped using the
"Jr." suffix on his name. He was re-elected in 1954
. His colleagues selected him
in 1961, a position he held until he left the Senate
on December 29, 1964 to assume
the vice presidency. During this period, he served in the 81st
, and a portion of the
Initially, Humphrey's support of civil rights led to his being
ostracized by Southern Democrats, who dominated most of the Senate
leadership positions and who wanted to punish Humphrey for
proposing the successful civil rights platform at the 1948
Convention. However, Humphrey refused to be intimidated and stood
his ground; his integrity, passion and eloquence eventually earned
him the respect of even most of the Southerners. His acceptance by
the Southerners was also helped a great deal when Humphrey became a
protege of Senate Majority Leader
Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas.
Humphrey became known for his advocacy of liberal
causes (such as civil rights
, a nuclear test ban
, and humanitarian
), and for his long and witty
speeches. During the period of McCarthyism (1950–1954), Humphrey was
accused of being "soft on Communism,"
despite having been one of the founders of the anti-communist
liberal organization Americans for Democratic
Action, having been a staunch supporter of the Truman
Administration's efforts to combat the growth of the Soviet Union, and having fought Communist political activities
in Minnesota and elsewhere.
In 1954 Humphrey proposed to
make mere membership in the Communist Party
felony — a proposal that failed. He was chairman of the Select Committee on
February, 1960, Senator Humphrey introduced a bill to establish a
National Peace Agency. As Democratic whip
in the Senate in 1964, Humphrey was
instrumental in the passage of the Civil Rights Act
of that year.
Humphrey's consistently cheerful and upbeat demeanor, and his
forceful advocacy of liberal causes, led him to be nicknamed "The
Happy Warrior" by many of his Senate colleagues and political
While President John F. Kennedy
credit for creating the Peace Corps
first initiative came from Humphrey when he introduced the first
bill to create the Peace Corps in 1957—three years prior to JFK and
his University of Michigan speech. In his autobiography, "The
Education of a Public Man," Hubert Humphrey wrote: "There were
three bills of particular emotional importance to me: the Peace Corps
, a disarmament agency, and the
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. The President, knowing how I felt, asked
me to introduce legislation for all three. I introduced the first
Peace Corps bill in 1957. It did not meet with much enthusiasm.
Some traditional diplomats quaked at the thought of thousands of
young Americans scattered across their world. Many senators,
including liberal ones, thought the idea was silly and unworkable.
Now, with a young president urging its passage, it became possible
and we pushed it rapidly through the Senate. It is fashionable now
to suggest that Peace Corps Volunteers gained as much or more, from
their experience as the countries they worked. That may be true,
but it ought not demean their work. They touched many lives and
made them better."
Presidential and Vice-Presidential ambitions (1952–1964)
In the 1960 primaries, Humphrey won
South Dakota and Washington, D.C.
Humphrey ran for the Democratic presidential
before his election to the Vice Presidency in 1964. The first time
was as Minnesota's favorite son
1952, where he received only 26 votes on the first ballot; the
second time was in 1960. In between these two presidential bids,
Senator Humphrey was part of the free-for-all for the
vice-presidential nomination at the 1956 Democratic National
, where he received 134 votes on the first ballot and
74 on the second.
In 1960, Humphrey ran again for the Democratic presidential
nomination against fellow Senator John
in the primaries. Their first meeting was in the
, where Kennedy's
well-organized and well-funded campaign defeated Humphrey's
energetic but poorly-funded effort. Kennedy's attractive brothers, sisters, and
combed the state looking for votes. At one point Humphrey
memorably complained that he "felt like an independent merchant
running against a chain store." Kennedy won the Wisconsin primary,
but by a smaller margin than anticipated; some commentators argued
that Kennedy's victory margin had come almost entirely from areas
that were heavily Roman Catholic
Humphrey. As a result, Humphrey refused to quit the
race and decided to run against Kennedy again in the West Virginia primary.
Humphrey calculated that his
midwestern populist roots and Protestant religion (he was a
) would appeal to
the state's disenfranchised voters more than the Ivy League
and Catholic millionaire's son,
Kennedy. But Kennedy led comfortably until the issue turned to
religion. When he asked an adviser why he was losing ground in the
polls compared to his earlier performance, the adviser explained
"no one knew you were a Catholic then."
Kennedy chose to meet the religion issue head-on. In radio
broadcasts, he carefully repositioned the issue from one of
Catholic versus Protestant
tolerance versus intolerance. Kennedy's appeal placed Humphrey, who
had championed tolerance his entire career, on the defensive, and
Kennedy attacked him with a vengeance. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr.
, the son of the
former President, stumped for Kennedy in West Virginia and raised
the issue of Humphrey's failure to serve in the armed forces in
World War II (though in fact Humphrey had tried to enlist).
Humphrey, who was short on funds, could not match the well-financed
Kennedy operation. Humphrey traveled around the state in a cold
rented bus, while Kennedy and his staff flew around West Virginia
in a large, modern, family-owned airplane. There were accusations
(both by Humphrey and numerous historians ) that the Kennedys
"bought" the West Virginia primary by paying bribes to county
sheriffs and other local officials to give Kennedy the vote;
however, these accusations were never proven. Kennedy defeated
Humphrey soundly, winning 60.8% of the vote in that state. That
evening, Humphrey announced that he was no longer a candidate for
the presidency. By winning the West Virginia primary, Kennedy was
able to overcome the belief that Protestant voters would not elect
a Catholic candidate to the Presidency and thus sewed up the
Democratic nomination for President.
Humphrey did win the South Dakota and District of Columbia
primaries, which JFK did not enter. At the 1960 Democratic
Convention he received 41 votes even though he was no longer an
active presidential candidate.
Humphrey's defeat in 1960 had a profound influence on his thinking;
after the primaries he told friends that, as a relatively poor man
in politics, he was unlikely to ever become President unless he
served as Vice-President first. Humphrey believed that only in this
way could he raise the funds and nationwide organization and
visibility he would need to win the Democratic nomination. As such,
as the 1964 presidential campaign began Humphrey made clear his
interest in becoming President Lyndon
's running mate. At the 1964 Democratic National
, Johnson kept the three likely vice presidential
candidates, Connecticut Senator Thomas
, fellow Minnesota Senator Eugene McCarthy
, and Humphrey, as well as
the rest of the nation in suspense before announcing Humphrey as
his running-mate with much fanfare, praising Humphrey's
qualifications for a considerable amount of time before announcing
The following day Humphrey's acceptance speech overshadowed
Johnson's own acceptance address:
Hubert warmed up with a long tribute to the President,
then hit his stride as he began a rhythmic jabbing and chopping at
Barry Goldwater. "Most Democrats and
Republicans in the Senate voted for an $11.5 billion tax cut for
American citizens and American business," he cried, "but not
Senator Goldwater. Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate —
in fact four-fifths of the members of his own party — voted for the
Civil Rights Act, but not Senator Goldwater."
Time after time, he capped his indictments with the drumbeat cry:
"But not Senator Goldwater!" The delegates caught the cadence and
took up the chant. A quizzical smile spread across Humphrey's face,
then turned to a laugh of triumph. Hubert was in fine form. He knew
it. The delegates knew it. And no one could deny that Hubert
Humphrey would be a formidable political antagonist in the weeks
the Johnson/Humphrey ticket won overwhelmingly, garnering 486
electoral votes out of 538. Only five Southern states and
Goldwater's home state of Arizona supported the Republican
The Vice Presidency
Humphrey took office on January 20, 1965. As Vice President,
Humphrey was controversial for his complete and vocal loyalty to
Johnson and the policies of the Johnson Administration, even as
many of Humphrey's liberal admirers opposed Johnson with increasing
fervor with respect to Johnson's policies during the war in Vietnam. Many of Humphrey's liberal
friends and allies over the years abandoned him because of his
refusal to publicly criticize Johnson's Vietnam War policies.
Humphrey's critics later learned that Johnson had threatened
Humphrey — Johnson told Humphrey that if he publicly opposed his
Administration's Vietnam War policy, he would destroy Humphrey's
chances to become President by opposing his nomination at the next
Democratic Convention. However, Humphrey's critics were vocal and
persistent - even his nickname, the Happy Warrior, was used against
him. The nickname referred not to his military hawkishness but
rather to his crusading for social welfare and civil rights
Vice President Humphrey bust
While he was Vice President, Hubert Humphrey was the subject of a
satirical song by songwriter/musician Tom
Lehrer entitled "Whatever Became of Hubert?" ("I wonder how
many people here tonight remember Hubert Humphrey. He used to be a
senator..."). The song addressed how some liberals and progressives felt let down by Humphrey, who
had become a much more mute figure as Vice President than he had
been as a senator. The song goes "Whatever became of
Hubert? Has anyone heard a thing? Once he shone
on his own, now he sits home alone and waits for the phone to
ring. Once a fiery liberal spirit, ah, but now when he
speaks he must clear it. ..."
Humphrey, as Vice President, was regarded as being on particularly
good terms with CBS journalist Daniel
Germany, Humphrey indirectly earned fame during an April
1967 visit when some hippies, armed with
what looked like a bomb, planned to cause trouble at the place
Humphrey was to speak. However, the "bomb" contained nothing
but pudding, and the plan was foiled by the police. The would-be
vandals were dubbed "assassins" and "ten
little Oswalds" in some
widely-read conservative German newspapers; this characterization
sparked riots by left-wing student
activists. The well-known left-wing journalist Ulrike Meinhof (who had not yet connected
herself to terrorism) wrote in Konkret magazine: "It is thought rude to throw
custard pies at politicians, but not to welcome politicians who
have villages wiped out and cities bombed... napalm yes, custard, no." This "pudding
assassination" thus became an early defining moment of the "68er"
German student movement,
many of whose leaders moved into national politics later.
The 1968 Presidential election
As 1968 began, it looked as if President Johnson, despite the
rapidly decreasing approval rating of his Vietnam War policies,
would easily win the Democratic nomination for a second time.
Humphrey indicated to Johnson that he would like to be his running
mate again. However, in the New
Hampshire primary Johnson was nearly defeated by McCarthy, who
challenged Johnson on an anti-war platform, but had not expected to
become an actual contender for the Democratic nomination.
days later, Senator Robert Kennedy of
York also entered the race on an anti-war
platform. On March 31, 1968, a week before the
Wisconsin primary, where the
polls predicted a loss to McCarthy, President Lyndon B. Johnson stunned the nation by withdrawing
from his race for a second full term.
Following this announcement, Humphrey quickly re-evaluated his
position, and announced his presidential candidacy in late April
1968. Many people saw Humphrey as Johnson's stand-in; he won major
backing from the nation's labor unions
and other Democratic groups that were troubled by young antiwar
protesters and the social unrest around the nation. Humphrey
avoided the primaries (and/or was too late to enter them) and
concentrated on winning delegates in non-primary states; by June he
was seen as the clear front-runner for the nomination. However, following a
key victory over McCarthy in the California primary, it appeared that Kennedy could possibly
challenge Humphrey for the nomination. But the nation was
shocked yet again when Senator Kennedy was
assassinated the night of his victory speech in
With the support of Mayor Richard
Humphrey and his running mate, Ed Muskie went on to easily win the Democratic
nomination at the party convention in
Chicago, Illinois. (In later years, changes to the party rules made
such an outcome virtually impossible.) Unfortunately for Humphrey
and his campaign, outside the convention hall there were riots and
protests by thousands of antiwar demonstrators, many of
whom favored McCarthy, George
McGovern, or other "anti-war" candidates. These protesters -
most of them young college students - were attacked and beaten on
live television by Chicago police, which merely amplified the
growing feelings of unrest in the general public. Humphrey's
inaction during the riots, as well as public backlash from securing
the presidential nomination without entering a single primary,
highlighted turmoil in the Democratic party's base that proved to
be too much for Humphrey to overcome in time for the general
election. Humphrey was also hurt by the third-party
campaign of former Alabama Governor George
Wallace, a Southern Democrat whose veiled racism and militant opposition to anti-war protesters
attracted millions of Northern and Midwestern blue-collar votes that would otherwise have
probably gone to Humphrey. Thus, Humphrey lost the 1968 election to
Although he lost the election by less than 1% of the popular vote,
(43.4% for Nixon to 42.7% for Humphrey, with 13.5% (9,901,118
votes) for George Wallace), Humphrey
only carried 13 states with 191 electoral college votes. Richard
Nixon carried 32 states and 301 electoral votes, and Wallace
carried 5 states in the South and 46 electoral votes (270 were
needed to win).
Immensely admired by associates and members of his staff, Humphrey
could not break loose from the domination of Lyndon Johnson. The
combination of the unpopularity of Johnson, the Chicago riots, and
the discouragement of liberals and African-Americans when both
Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. were
assassinated during the election year were all contributing factors
that caused him to eventually lose the election to former Vice
President Nixon by a narrow margin. The war that Humphrey was
saddled with in the Johnson Administration continued until the
Post-Vice Presidency (1969–1978)
Teaching and return to the Senate
leaving the Vice-Presidency, Humphrey utilized his talents by
teaching at Macalester College and the University of Minnesota, and by serving as chairman of board of consultants
at the Encyclopedia
Britannica Educational Corporation.
Initially he had not planned to return to political life, but an
unexpected opportunity changed his mind. McCarthy, who was up for
re-election in 1970,
realized that he had only a slim chance of winning even
re-nomination (he had angered his party by opposing Johnson and
Humphrey for the 1968 presidential nomination) and declined to run.
Humphrey won the nomination and the election, and returned to the
U.S. Senate on January 3, 1971. He was re-elected in 1976, and remained in office
until his death. In a rarity in politics, Humphrey served as a
Senator by holding both seats in his state (Class I and Class II).
This time he served in the 92nd, 93rd, 94th, and a portion of the
In 1972, Humphrey once again ran for the Democratic nomination for
president. He drew upon continuing support from organized labor and
the African-American and Jewish communities, but remained unpopular
with college students because of his association with the Vietnam
War, even though he had altered his position in the years since his
1968 defeat. Humphrey initially planned to skip the primaries, as
he had in 1968. Even after he revised this strategy he still stayed
out of New Hampshire, a decision that allowed McGovern to emerge as
the leading challenger to Muskie in that state. Humphrey did win
some primaries, including those in Ohio, Indiana and Pennsylvania,
but was defeated by McGovern in several others, including the
crucial California primary. Humphrey also was out-organized by McGovern
in caucus states and was trailing in delegates at the 1972 Democratic National
Convention in Miami Beach, Florida. His hopes rested on challenges to the
credentials of some of the McGovern delegates. For example, the
Humphrey forces argued that the winner-take-all rule for the
California primary violated procedural reforms intended to produce
a better reflection of the popular vote, the reason that the
Illinois delegation was bounced. The effort failed, as several
votes on delegate credentials went McGovern's way, guaranteeing his
Humphrey also briefly considered mounting a campaign for the
Democratic nomination from the Convention once again in 1976, when the primaries
seemed likely to result in a deadlock, but ultimately decided
against it. At the conclusion of the Democratic primary process
that year, even with Jimmy Carter
having the requisite number of delegates needed to secure his
nomination, many still wanted Humphrey to announce his availability
for a draft. However, he did not do
so, and Carter easily secured the nomination on the first round of
balloting. What wasn't known to the general public was that
Humphrey already knew he had terminal cancer.
Deputy President pro tempore of the Senate (1976–1978)
In 1974, along with Rep.
Augustus Hawkins of California, Humphrey authored the Humphrey-Hawkins Full
Employment Act, the first attempt at full employment
legislation. The original bill proposed to guarantee full
employment to all citizens over 16 and set up a permanent system of
public jobs to meet that goal. A watered-down version called the
Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act passed the House
and Senate in 1978. It set the goal of 4 percent unemployment and 3
percent inflation and instructed the Federal Reserve Board to try to
produce those goals when making policy decisions.
ran for Majority Leader
after the 1976 election but lost to Robert
Byrd of West
Senate honored Humphrey by creating the post of Deputy
President pro tempore of the Senate for him. On August 16,
1977, Humphrey revealed his terminal bladder cancer to the public. On October 25,
1977, he addressed the Senate, and on November 3, 1977, Humphrey
became the first person other than a member of the House or the
president to address the House of
Representatives in session. President
Carter honored him by giving him command of Air Force One for his final trip to
Washington on October 23. One of Humphrey's speeches contained the
lines "It was once said that the moral test of Government is how
that Government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the
children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and
those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the
handicapped," which is sometimes described as the "liberals'
Death and funeral
Humphrey spent his last weeks calling old political acquaintances
on a special long-distance telephone his family had given him. One
call was to Richard Nixon, his former
foe in the 1968 presidential election in which Humphrey invited
Nixon to his upcoming funeral; Nixon accepted. Living in the
hospital, Humphrey went from room to room, cheering up other
patients with a joke and listening to them.
on January 13, 1978 of bladder cancer
at his home in Waverly,
Minnesota. His body lay in state in the rotunda of both
States Capitol and the Minnesota State Capitol, and was interred in Lakewood Cemetery in Minneapolis. His wife, Muriel
Humphrey, was appointed by Minnesota's governor Rudy Perpich to serve in the US Senate until a
special election to fill the term was held. She did not seek
election to finish her husband's term in office.
Muriel Humphrey remarried in 1979
(to Max Brown) and took the name Muriel Humphrey Brown. She died in
1998 at the age of 86 and is interred next to her first
In 1965, Humphrey was made an Honorary Life Member of
Alpha Phi Alpha, the first
intercollegiate Greek-letter fraternity established for
African American males.
He was awarded posthumously the Congressional Gold Medal on June
13, 1979 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom
Named for Humphrey
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship Program, which fosters an
exchange of knowledge and mutual understanding throughout the
Buildings and institutions
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Terminal at Minneapolis-Saint Paul International
H. Humphrey Metrodome domed stadium in Minneapolis and home to the
Minnesota Vikings of the National Football
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Job Corps Center in St. Paul, Minn.
- The Hubert H.
Institute of Public Affairs at the University of
Minnesota and its building, the Hubert H. Humphrey
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Building of the Department of Health and
Human Services in Washington,D.C.
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Bridge carrying FL S.R. 520 over the Indian River Lagoon between Cocoa and
Island in Brevard County, Florida
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Middle School in Bolingbrook, Illinois.
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Comprehensive Health Center of the Los
Angeles County Department of Health Services in Los Angeles,
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Recreation Center of the City of Los
Angeles Department of Recreation and Parks in Pacoima, CA.
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Auditorium at Doland High School in Doland, South Dakota.
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Elementary School in Albuquerque,
- The Hubert H. Humphrey Elementary School in Waverly,
- Schuman, Frederick L. Why a Department of Peace.
Beverly Hills: Another Mother for Peace, 1969.
- Berman, Edgar . Hubert: The Triumph And Tragedy Of
The Humphrey I Knew. New York, N.Y. : G.P. Putnam's &
Sons, 1979. A physician's personal account of his friendship with
Humphrey from 1957 until his death in 1978.
- Cohen, Dan. Undefeated: The Life of Hubert H.
Humphrey. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications, 1978.
- Garrettson, Charles L. III. Hubert H. Humphrey:
The Politics of Joy. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction
- Humphrey, Hubert H. The Education of a Public Man: My Life
and Politics. Garden City, N. Y. : Doubleday, 1976.
- Mann, Robert. The Walls of Jericho: Lyndon Johnson, Hubert
Humphrey, Richard Russell and the Struggle for Civil Rights.
New York, N.Y. : Harcourt Brace, 1996.
- Solberg, Carl. Hubert Humphrey: A Biography. New York
: Norton, 1984.
- Taylor, Jeff. Where Did the Party Go?: William Jennings
Bryan, Hubert Humphrey, and the Jeffersonian Legacy. Columbia:
University of Missouri Press, 2006.
- Thurber, Timothy N. The Politics of Equality: Hubert
H. Humphrey and the African American Freedom
Struggle. Columbia University Press, 1999. Pp. 352.
- University of Texas biography
- Hubert H.Humphrey Papers are available for
research use at the Minnesota Historical Society.
- Complete text and audio of Humphrey's 1948 speech
at the Democratic National Convention - from
- Complete text and audio of Humphrey's 1964 speech
at the Democratic National Convention - from
- Account of 1948 Presidential campaign -
includes text of Humphrey's speech at the Democratic National
- Transcript, Hubert H. Humphrey Oral History Interview, August 17,
1971, by Joe B. Frantz, Internet Copy, LBJ Library. Accessed April
- Information on Humphrey's thought and influence,
including quotations from his speeches and writings.
- Hubert H. Humphrety at the Macedonian Baptist Church, San Francisco,
May 23, 1972 Photographs by Bruce Jackson of Humphrey on his
- Radiotapes.com Airchecks of WCCO Radio's death
coverage of Hubert H. Humphrey (1978).