The Linear Pottery culture
is a major archaeological horizon
, flourishing ca.
5500–4500 BC. The heaviest concentrations are on the middle
Danube, the upper and middle Elbe, and the upper and middle Rhine.
culture represents a major impulse if not the advent of agriculture
into this part of the world. The pottery after which it was named
consists of simple cups, bowls, vases and jugs, without handles,
but in a later phase with lug
lugs, bases and necks. They were obviously designed as kitchen
dishes, or for the immediate or local transport of food and
sites include Nitra in Slovakia; Bylany in the Czech Republic; Langweiler and Zwenkau in Germany; Brunn am
Gebirge in Austria; Elsloo, Sittard, Köln-Lindenthal, Aldenhoven, Flomborn and Rixheim on the
Rhine; Lautereck and Hienheim on the upper Danube; Rössen and Sonderhausen on the middle Elbe.
Two variants of the early Linear Pottery Culture are recognized:
Middle and late phases are also defined. In the middle phase, the
Early Linear Pottery Culture intruded upon the Bug-Dniester culture
and began to
manufacture Musical note
. In the late phase, the Stroked Pottery Culture
down the Vistula and Elbe.
A number of cultures ultimately replaced the Linear Pottery culture
over its range, but there is no one-to-one correspondence between
its variants and the replacing cultures. The culture map instead is
complex. Some of the successor cultures are the Hinkelstein
|"Because of the sharply observed
present political boundaries, the terminology applied to the
various cultures and groups has become needlessly complicated.
Thus, in different countries the same culture complex may carry
completely different names based on different eponymous sites, or
may have the same basic name modified by regional or language
variants. For example, Yugoslavian Starčevo is the general
equivalent of Hungarian Körös and Rumanian Criş."—Robert
The culture is known by a number of names, all heavily used:
- German Linienbandkeramische Kultur, in which
the adjective is formed from the name of the pottery,
Kultur, based on Bandkeramik, the
more popular term in Germany today
- French Culture rubanée, also named after the
name of the pottery, céramique rubanée.
- Linear Band Pottery culture
- Linear (Band) Ware culture
- Linear Ceramics culture
- Danubian I
culture of V. Gordon Childe
- Early Danubian culture
- Incised Ware Group
The term, Linear Band Ware, is a mnemonic of the pottery's
decorative technique. The "Band Ware" or Bandkeramik part of it
began as an innovation of the German archaeologist, Friedrich Klopfleisch
earliest generally accepted name in English was the Danubian of
V. Gordon Childe
. Currently most names are
attempts to translate Linearbandkeramik into good English.
was earlier than the LBK and was located in a contiguous
food-producing region, the early investigators looked for
precedents there. Much of the Starčevo-Körös pottery features
decorative patterns composed of convolute bands of paint: spirals,
converging bands, vertical bands, and so on. The LBK appears to
imitate and often improve these convolutions with incised lines;
hence the term, linear, to distinguish painted band ware from
incised band ware.
The name depends on specialized meanings of "linear" and "band",
whether in English or in German. These words without the qualifiers
do not describe the decoration. There are few bands going around
the pottery and the lines are mainly not straight. Patterns are
repeated motifs: spirals, rectangles, triangles, chevrons. For the
most part they are not placed within bands, but rather, the entire
surface of the pot is the artist's field.
In addition to the names listed above are local or period-specific
names, which refer to some phase or style within the Linear Pottery
Culture. Agreement does not always exist concerning whether a local
style is to be included as linear.
The LBK did not begin with this range and only reached it toward
the end of its time. It began in regions of densest occupation on
the middle Danube (Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary) and spread
over about 1500 km along the rivers in 360 years.
of expansion was therefore about 4 km per year, which can hardly be
called an invasion or a wave by the standard of current events, but
over archaeological time seems especially rapid.
was concentrated somewhat inland from the coastal areas; i.e., it
is not evidenced in Denmark or the
northern coastal strips of Germany and Poland, or the
coast of the Black
Sea in Romania.
northern coastal regions remained occupied by Mesolithic
cultures exploiting the then
fabulously rich Atlantic salmon
runs. There are lighter concentrations of LBK in
the Netherlands, such as at Elsloo, Belgium with the
sites of Darion, Remicourt, Fexhe or Waremme-Longchamps and at the
mouths of the Oder and Vistula.
Evidently, the Neolithics and
Mesolithics were not excluding each other.
The LBK at
maximum extent ranged from about the line of the Seine–Oise (Paris Basin) eastward to the line of the
Vistula and upper Dniester, and southward to the line of the upper Danube down to the big bend. An extension ran
through the Western Bug river valley,
leaped to the valley of the Dniester, and swerved southward from
the middle Dniester to the lower Danube in eastern Romania, east of the
Image:Johann Christian Brand 002.jpg|Danube lands near Vienna, by
Johann Christian Brand, ca. 1760Image:DonauknieVisegrad.jpg|The
Danube bend in HungaryImage:Elbe - flussabwärts kurz nach Ort
Königstein.jpg|The ElbeImage:Oder Fluss.jpg|The Oder
A good many C-14
dates have been
acquired on the LBK, making possible statistical analyses, which
have been performed on different sample groups. One such analysis
by Stadler and Lennais sets 68.2% confidence limits
at about 5430–5040 BC;
that is, 68.2% of possible dates allowed by variation of the major
factors that influence measurement, calculation and calibration
fall within that range. The 95.4% confidence interval
Data continues to be acquired and therefore any one analysis should
be taken as a rough guideline only. Overall it is probably safe to
say that the Linear Pottery culture spanned several hundred years
of continental European prehistory in the late 6th and early 5th
millennia BC, with local variations. Data from Belgium indicates a
late survival of LBK there, as late as 4100 BC.
The Linear Pottery Culture is not the only food-producing player on
the stage of prehistoric Europe. It has been necessary therefore to
distinguish between it and the Neolithic, which was most easily
done by dividing the Neolithic of Europe into chronological phases.
These have varied a great deal. An approximation is as follows:
- Early Neolithic. 6000–5500. The first appearance of food-producing
cultures in the south of the future Linear Pottery Culture range:
the Körös of southern Hungary and the
Bug-Dniester culture in the
- Middle Neolithic. 5500–5000. Early and Middle Linear Pottery
- Late Neolithic. 5000–4500. Late Linear Pottery and legacy
The last phase is no longer the end of the Neolithic. A Final
Neolithic has been added to the transition between the Neolithic
and the Bronze Age. All numbers depend to some extent on the
The pottery styles of the LBK allow some division of its window in
time. Conceptual schemes have varied somewhat. One is as follows:
- Early. The Eastern and Western LBK cultures, originating on the
- Middle. Musical Note
pottery. The incised lines of the decoration are broken or
terminated by punctures, or "strokes", giving the appearance of
musical notes. The culture expanded to its maximum extent. Regional
variants appeared. One variant is the late Bug-Dniester culture.
- Late. Stroked pottery.
Lines of punctures are substituted for the incised lines.
The origin of the culture must be distinguished from the origin of
the people who used it.
earliest theory of Linear Pottery Culture origin is that it came
from the Starčevo-Körös culture of
Serbia and Hungary.
Supporting this view is the fact that the
LBK appeared earliest ca. 5600–5400 BC on the middle Danube
in the Starčevo range. Presumably, the
expansion northwards of early Starčevo-Körös
local variant reaching the upper Tisza
may have well been created by contact with native epi-Paleolithic
people. This small group
began a new tradition of pottery, substituting engravings for the
paintings of the Balkanic cultures.
A site at
Gebirge just south of Vienna seems to document the
transition to LBK.
The site was densely settled in a long
house pattern approximately 5550–5200. The lower layers
feature Starčevo-type plain pottery, with large number of stone
tools made of material from near Lake Balaton, Hungary.
Over the time frame, LBK pottery and animal
husbandry increased, while the use of stone tools decreased.
A second theory proposes an autochthonous development out of the
cultures. Although the
southern Hungary at about 6000 and the LBK spread very rapidly
there appears to be a hiatus of up to 500 years in which a barrier
seems to have been in effect. Moreover, the cultivated species of
the near and middle eastern Neolithic do not do well over the
Linear Pottery Culture range. And finally, the Mesolithics
in the region prior to the LBK used
some domestic species, such as Triticum
. The La Hoguette Culture on the northwest of the LBK range developed
their own food production from native plants and
A third theory attributes the start of Linear Pottery to an
influence from the Mesolithic cultures of the east European plain.
The pottery was used in intensive food gathering.
The rate at which it spread was no faster than the spread of the
Neolithic in general. Accordingly Dolukhanov and others postulate
that an impulse from the steppe to the southeast of the barrier
stimulated the Mesolithics north of it to innovate their own
pottery. This view only accounts for the pottery; presumably, the
Mesolithics combined it de novo with local food production, which
began to spread very rapidly throughout a range that was already
producing some food.
The initial LBK population theory hypothesized that the culture was
spread by farmers moving up the Danube practicing slash-and-burn
methods. The presence of the Mediterranean sea shell, Spondylus
gaederopus, and the similarity of the
pottery to gourds, which did not grow in the north, seemed to be
evidence of the immigration. The lands into which they moved were
believed untenanted or too sparsely populated by hunter-gatherers
to be a significant factor.
The barrier causing the hiatus mentioned above does not have an
immediate geographical cause. The Körös Culture
ended in the middle of
the Hungarian plain and although the climate to the north is colder
the gradient is not so sharp as to form a barrier there. It may
have been one of language and ethnic loyalty.
population of Europe was
by no means physically homogeneous. In it were pockets of physical
types called "local European" or "Cro-magnon (B)" by Gimbutas,
meaning not the exact type of the ancestral Cro-Magnon
man of the upper Palaeolithic
who lived in the region previously
but a similar remnant population surviving in less accessible
pockets, having distinct physical characteristics and often
associated with distinct cultures.
North of the Körös was such a population. Zoffman in a recent
statistical analysis of 120 sample series from remains in the
entire Carpathian Basin covering several thousand years calls this
proto-Linear-Pottery-Culture population a "Protonordic-Cro-Magnoid
Its relationship to the nordics
is another topic, but she uses the
variables of anthropometry
, which she
calls "taxonomic data", to compare the populations in the basin.
She calculates the Penrose distance
between populations to determine whether they can be identified
with or are remote from each other.
The "Protonordic-Cro-Magnoids" turn out to be different from the
"gracile Mediterraneans" of the Körös and from any of the
surrounding populations: the central European, Bohemian and German,
confirming that in fact they were a large pocket. The author admits
that the result might be influenced by sampling error. Ostensibly
the study shows that the Linear Pottery Culture was not transmitted
via major population movements.
mtDNA studies on 24 LBK individuals at 16
locations in Germany, Austria and Hungary by a team of scientists found that six individuals
owned a rare suite of mutations labeled N1a, a percentage much greater than
in the modern population.
The investigators concluded, "Our
finding lends weight to a proposed Paleolithic ancestry for modern
The study is not conclusive. The modern population might be the
Neolithic and the owners of N1a
a palaeolithic remnant. However
the conclusion seems to fit the anthropometric work of Zoffman: as
there were no large-scale transfers of population, the culture
could have been carried by small numbers of the population with the
rare mutation. It disappears by the late LBK; that is to say, the
whole population was genetically overwhelmed by immigrants.
Map of European Neolithic at the
apogee of Danubian expansion, c.
Early or Western
or earliest Western Linear Pottery Culture began conventionally at
5500 BC, possibly as early as 5700 BC, in western Hungary, southern Germany, Austria and the
It is sometimes called the Central European
Linear Pottery (CELP) to distinguish it from the ALP phase of the
Eastern Linear Pottery Culture. The Hungarians tend to use DVK,
Dunatúl Vonaldiszes Kerámia, translated "Transdanubian Linear
Pottery." A number of local styles and phases of ware are
of the early phase can be dated to its arrival in the Netherlands at about 5200 BC.
The population there was
already food-producing to some extent. The early phase went
on there but meanwhile the Music-Note Pottery (Notenkopfkeramik)
phase of the Middle Linear Band Pottery Culture appeared in Austria
at about 5200 and moved eastward into Romania and the Ukraine.
The late phase, or Stroked pottery
(Stichbandkeramik or SBK, 5000–4500) evolved in central Europe and
This article includes a brief introduction to some of the features
of the Western Linear Pottery Culture below.
Eastern Linear Pottery Culture developed in eastern Hungary roughly contemporaneously with, perhaps a few
hundred years after, the transdanubian.
The great plain
there (Hungarian Alföld) had been occupied by the Starčevo-Körös-Criş Culture
"gracile Mediterraneans" from the Balkans
early as 6100 BC. Hertelendi and others give a reevaluated date
range of 5860–5330 for the Early Neolithic, 5950–5400 for the
Körös. The Körös Culture went as far north as the edge of the upper
and stopped. North of it the
Alföld plain and the Bükk Mountains
were intensively occupied by Mesolithics thriving on the flint tool
At around 5330 the classical Alföld
of the LBK appeared to the north of the Körös Culture
and flourished until about 4940. This time also is the Middle
Neolithic. The Alföld Culture has been abbreviated ALV from its
Hungarian name, Alföldi Vonaldíszes Kerámia, or ALP for Alföld
Linear Pottery Culture, the earliest variant of the Eastern Linear
In one view the AVK came "directly out of" the Körös. The brief,
short-ranged Szatmár Group on the northern edge of the Körös
Culture seems transitional. Some place it with the Körös, some with
the AVK. The latter's pottery is decorated with white painted bands
with incised edges. Körös pottery was painted.
As is presented above, however, there were no major population
movements across the border. The Körös went on into a late phase in
its accustomed place, 5770–5230. The late Körös is also called the
Proto-Vinča, which was succeeded by the Vinča-Tordo, 5390–4960.
There is no necessity to view the Körös and the AVK as closely
connected. The AVK economy is somewhat different: it uses cattle
and swine, both of which occur wild in the region, instead of the
sheep of the Balkans and Mediterranean. The percentage of wild
animal bones is greater. Barley, millet and lentils were
Around 5100 or so towards the end of the Middle Neolithic the
classical AVK descended into a complex of pronounced local groups
called the Szakálhát-Esztár-Bükk, which flourished about 5260-4880:
- The Szakálhát Group was located on the lower and middle Tisza
and the Körös Rivers, taking the place of the previous Körös
Culture. Its pottery went on with the painted white bands and
- The Esztár Group to the north featured pottery with bands
painted in dark paint.
Szilmeg Group was located in the foothills of the Bükk Mountains.
- The Tiszadob Group was located in the Sajó Valley.
- The Bükk Group was located in
These are all characterized by finely crafted and decorated ware.
The entire group is considered by the majority of the sources
listed in this article to have been in the LBK. Before the
chronology and many of the sites were known the Bükk was thought to
be a major variant; in fact, Gimbutas at one point believed it to
be identical with the Eastern Linear Pottery Culture. Since 1991
the predominance of the Alföld has come to light.
The end of the Eastern Linear Pottery Culture and the LBK is less
certain. The Szakálhát-Esztár-Bükk descended into another Late
Neolithic legacy complex, the Tisza-Hérpály-Csöszhalom, which is
either not LBK or is transitional from the LBK to the Tiszapolgar,
a successor culture.
The LBK people settled on fluvial terraces and in the proximities
of rivers. They were quick to identify regions of fertile loess
. On it they raised a distinctive assemblage of
crops and associated weeds in small plots, an economy that Gimbutas
called a "garden type of civilization." The difference between a
crop and a weed in LBK contexts is the frequency. Crop foods are:
Species that are found so rarely as to warrant classification as
possible weeds are:
Image:Triticum dicoccum.jpg|Triticum dicoccumImage:Usdaeinkorn1
Triticum monococcum.jpg|Triticum monococcumImage:NCI snow
peas.jpg|Pisum sativumImage:Illustration Lens culinaris0.jpg|Lens
Poppies and linen
Wet meadow, by Vasiliev
The emmer and the einkorn were sometimes grown as maslin, or mixed
crops. The lower-yield einkorn predominates over emmer, which has
been attributed to its better resistance to heavy rain. Hemp
gave the LBK people the raw material of rope and cloth, which they
no doubt manufactured at home as a cottage industry. From poppies
(Papaver somniferum), introduced later from
the Mediterranean, they must have manufactured palliative
The LBK people were stock raisers as well, with cattle
favored, though goats
are also recorded. Like farmers today,
they must have used the better grain for themselves and the lower
grades for the animals. The ubiquitous dogs are present here too,
but scantly. Substantial wild faunal remains are found. The LBK
supplemented their diets by hunting elk
in the open
forests of Europe as it was then.
Although no significant population transfers were associated with
the start of the LBK, population diffusion along the wetlands of
the mature civilization (about 5200 BC) had leveled the high
percentage of the rare gene sequence mentioned above by the late
LBK. The population was much greater by then, a phenomenon termed
(NDT). According to Bocquet-Appel
beginning from a stable population of "small connected groups
exchanging migrants" among the "hunter-gatherers and
horticulturalists" the LBK experienced an increase in birth rate
caused by a "reduction in the length of the birth interval." The
author hypothesizes a decrease in the weaning period made possible
by division of labor. At the end of the LBK the NDT was over and
the population growth disappeared due to an increase in the
mortality rate, caused, the author speculates, by new pathogens
passed along by increased social contact.
The new population was sedentary up to the capacity of the land,
and then the excess population moved to less inhabited land.
in-depth GIS study by Ebersbach and Schade of an
18 km² region in the wetlands region of Wetterau, Hesse, traces the
land use in detail and discovers the limiting factor.
study region 82% of the land is suitable for agriculture, 11% for
grazing (even though wetland) and 7% steep slopes. The
investigators found that the LBK occupied this land for about 400
years. They began with 14 settlements, 53 houses, 318 people using
the wetlands for cattle pasture. Settlement gradually spread over
the wetlands, reaching a maximum of 47 settlements, 122 houses, 732
people in the late period. At that time all the available grazing
land was in use.
Toward the end, the population suddenly dropped to initial levels,
even though much of the arable land was still available. The
investigators conclude that cattle were the main economic interest
and available grazing land was the limiting factor in settlement.
The Neolithic of the Middle East featured urban concentrations of
people subsisting mainly on grain. Beef and dairy products on the
other hand were the mainstay of LBK diet. When the grazing lands
were all in use they moved elsewhere in search of them. As the
relatively brief window of the LBK falls roughly in the center of
the Atlantic climate period
maximum of temperature and rainfall, a conclusion that the spread
of wetlands at that time encouraged the growth and spreading of the
LBK is to some degree justified.
The tool kit was appropriate to the economy. Flint
main materials used for points and cutting edges. There is no sign
of metal. For example, they harvested with sickles manufactured by
inserting flint blades into the inside of a curved piece of wood.
One diagnostic tool, the "shoe-last
", was made of a ground stone chisel blade tied to a
handle. You pulled the blade over a piece of wood by the handle,
removing flakes, similar to a plane. Augurs were made of flint
points tied to a stick that could be rotated. Scrapers and knives
are found in abundance. The use of flint pieces, or microliths
, descended from the Mesolithic
, while the ground stone is
characteristic of the Neolithic
These materials are evidence both of specialization of labor and
commerce. The flint used came from southern Poland; the obsidian,
from the Bükk and Tatra mountains. Settlements in those regions
specialized in mining and manufacture. The products were exported
to all the other LBK regions, which must have had something to
trade. This commerce is a strong argument for an ethnic unity
between the scattered pockets of the culture.Image:Kurtkowiec i
czerwone.jpg|West Tatra mountains. Note the wet meadows and the
stone.Image:Slovakia-West Tatras-Rohace 6.JPG|Western Tatras,
The unit of residence was the long
, a rectangular structure, 5.5 to 7 m wide, of variable
length; for example, a house at Bylany was 45 m. Outer walls were
wattle-and-daub, sometimes alternating with split logs, with
slanted thatched roofs, supported by rows of poles, three across.
The exterior wall of the home was solid and massive, oak posts
being preferred. Clay for the daub was dug from pits near the
house, which were then used for storage. Extra posts at one end may
indicate a partial second story. Some LBK houses were occupied for
as long as 30 years.
At least part of the house may have been used for animals, as a
fenced enclosure adjoined one end. Ditches went along part of the
outer walls, especially at the enclosed end. Their purpose is not
known, but they probably are not defensive works, as they were not
much of a defense. More likely, the ditches collected waste water
and rain water. A large house with many people and animals would
have had to have a drainage system. One can conceive of a smelly
end, where the animals and latrines were located, and a domestic
Easy access to fresh water also would have been mandatory, which is
another reason why settlements were in bottom lands near water. A
number of wells from the times have been discovered, with a
log-cabin type lining constructed one layer at a time as the
previous layers sank into the well.
Internally the house had one or two partitions creating up to three
areas. Interpretations of the use of these areas varies; perhaps
sleeping, common and animals. Trash was regularly removed and
placed in external pits. The waste-producing work, such as hide
preparation and flint-working, was done outside the house. The main
door was located at the opposite end from the sleeping
Long houses were gathered into villages of 5–8 about 20 m apart,
placed on 300–1250 acres. Nearby villages formed settlement cells,
some as dense as 20 per 25 km², others as sparse as 1 per 32 km².
This structuring of settlements does not support a view that the
LBK population had no social structure, or was anarchic. On the
other hand the structure remains obscure and interpretational. One
long house may have supported one extended family; however, the
short lifespan would have precluded more than two generations. The
houses required too much labor to be the residences of single
families; consequently, communal houses are postulated. Though the
known facts are tantalizing, the correct social interpretation of
the layout of a long house and the arrangement of villages will
have to wait for clearer evidence.
At least some villages were fortified for some time with a palisade
and outer ditch. An earlier view saw the Linear Pottery Culture as
living a "peaceful, unfortified lifestyle." Since then settlements
with palisades and weapon-traumatized bones have been discovered,
such as at Herxheim, which, whether the site of a massacre or of a
martial ritual, demonstrates "...systematic violence between
groups." Most of the known settlements, however, left no trace of
Pottery has been found in long houses as well as in graves.
Analysis of the home pottery reveals that each house had its own
tradition. The occurrence of pottery primarily in female graves
indicates that the women of the long house probably made the
pottery; in fact lineages have been defined. Gimbutas goes so far
as to assert: "The indirect results indicate an endogamous
As is true of all prehistoric cultures, the details of actual
maintained by the
Linear Pottery culture population are poorly understood relative to
beliefs and religions of historical periods. The extent to which
prehistoric beliefs formed a systematic religious
canon is also the subject of some debate.
Nevertheless, comparative, detailed, scientific study of cultural artifacts
has led to the proposal of
The mother goddess
model is the major
one that applies to the Neolithic
middle and near east, the civilization of the Aegean
The iconography was inherited from the Palaeolithic
. The Gravettian
Culture introduced it into the range
of the future LBK from western Asia and south Russia. From there it
diffused throughout Europe in the Upper Palaeolithic, which was inhabited
by Cro-magnon man and was responsible for
many works of art, such as the Venus of Willendorf.
With the transition to the Neolithic, "... the female principle
continued to predominate the cultures that had grown up around the
mysterious processes of birth and generation." The LBK therefore
did not bring anything new spiritually to Europe, nor was the cult
in any way localized to Europe. It is reflected in the vase
paintings, figurines, graves and grave goods and surviving customs
and myths of Europe. In the north the goddess could manifest
herself as the mistress of animals, grain, distaff and loom,
household and life and death.
The works of the noted late archaeologist Marija Gimbutas
present a major study of the
iconography and surviving beliefs of the European Neolithic,
including the Linear Pottery Culture. She was able to trace the
unity of reproductive themes in cultural objects previously
unsuspected of such themes. For example, the burial pits of the
Linear Pottery culture, which were lined with stone, clay or
plaster, may have been intended to represent eggs. The deceased
returns to the egg, so to speak, there to await rebirth.
The presence of such pits contemporaneously with the burial of
women and children under the floors of houses suggests a
multiplicity of religious convictions, as does the use of both
cremation and inhumation. Some of the figurines are not of females
but are androgynous
. Perhaps the beliefs
of Europeans of any culture always were complex.
The early Neolithic in Europe featured burials of women and
children under the floors of personal residences. Remains of adult
males are missing. It is probably safe to say that Neolithic
culture featured sex discrimination in funerary customs, and that
women and children were important in ideology concerning the
Burials beneath the floors of homes continued until about 4000 BC.
However, in the Balkans and central Europe the cemetery also came
into use at about 5000 BC. LBK cemeteries contained from 20 to 200
graves arranged in groups that appear to have been based on
kinship. Males and females of any age were included. Both cremation
were practiced. The inhumed were placed in flexed position in pits
lined with stones, plaster or clay. Cemeteries were close to, but
distinct from, residential areas.
The presence of grave goods indicates both a sex and a dominance
discrimination. Male graves included stone celts, flint implements
and money or jewelry of spondylus shells. Female graves contained
many of the same artifacts as male graves, but also most of the
pottery and containers of ochre. The goods have been interpreted as
gifts to the departed or personal possessions.
Only about 30% of the graves have goods. This circumstance probably
rightly has been interpreted as some sort of distinction in
, but the exact nature
is not known. If the goods were gifts, then some were more honored
than others; if they were possessions, then some were wealthier
These practices are contrasted to mass graves, such as the Talheim Death Pit
- Hibben, page 121.
- Ehrich page 404.
- Klopfleisch (1882), Die Grabhügel von Leubingen, Sömmerda
und Nienstädt, in the Voraufgehend: allgemeine
Einleitung, section entitled Charakteristik und Zeitfolge
der Keramik. Brief recognition of his authorship is given in
English by Fagan, Brian Murray (1996), The Oxford Companion to
Archaeology, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195076184 page
- Dolukhanov under External links, Models. The numbers are stated
in the abstract. Note that figures such as this although true given
the parameters depend on data that was selected by the investigator
and are best regarded as approximations.
- External links, Dates below
- See the article The Interaction Between Early Farmers and
Indigenous People in Central Belgium included under
External links, People below.
- KRAP (2007) under External Links, Places.
- Hertelendi and others (1995) under External links, Places,
especially page 242.
- Gimbutas (1991) pages 35–45.
- For example, Baldia (2006) The Earliest Bandkeramik
presents a 5-phase scheme carrying the last of the Neolithic down
to 2200. His table can be found at .
- Baldia (2006) The Earliest Bandkeramik..
- Price, pages 13–16, gives an overview of the theory's
- The article by Kertész covers the research on the area and the
concepts of hiatus and barrier.
- Dolukhanov and others (2005) pages 1453–1457.
- Clark & Piggott, pages 240–246.
- 1991 page 43.
- Zoffman 2000, External links under People.
- This term refers to the statistical distance between sample
groups for the variables measured.
- Haak (2005) and others cited under Dienekes (2005) in External
links, People below.
- This article does not have space for all the names but they can
for the most part be found in the sources.
- Baldia (2003) Starcevo-Koros-Cris under External
- External links, Places. These numbers are their 1σ range. For
the tolerances, see the article.
- Hertelendi and others, External links, Places.
- 1991 pages 43–46
- Gimbutas (1991) page 38.
- The crop and weed information is indebted to Kreuz and others,
cited under External links, Economy.
- 2002, External links, People.
- 2003, under External links, Economy.
- A brief discussion of tools is to be found in Gimbutas (1991)
page 39, and a fuller presentation with pictures of the tool kit in
Lodewijckx & Bakels (2005) under External links, People.
- The numbers are from Gimbutas (1991) pages 39–41. However, they
are approximately the same as the numbers given by other
researchers and can therefore be taken as true measurements within
- Baldia (2000) The Oldest Dated Well under External
links, People, describes an LBK well.
- Marciniak, Chapter 1.
- Krause (1998) under External links, places.
- Gimbutas (1991) page 143.
- Orschiedt (2006) under External links, Places.
- 1991 page 331.
- James Chapter 1 page 13.
- James pages 20–22.
- James, page 22.
- The reader may find a thorough recapitulation in Davidson
(1998), whose chapter titles the above list repeats; however, the
topic has received attention from many noted scholars and
- The works of Gimbutas listed in the Bibliography are sufficient
to give the reader an overall view of her study. However, those
interested in an immediately available comprehensive view from a
Gimbutas supporter may access Marler (2005) under External links,
- An outstanding advocacy of complexity can be found in Hayden
(1998) cited under External links, Models. Hayden discovers some of
the limitations of Gimbutas' thought. His view was answered in
detail in Marler (1999), External links, Models. The reader should
be aware that all of Gimbutas' career was surrounded by
controversy, perhaps fueled by sexist allegations and
counter-allegations. Nevertheless Marler and Hayden are
professionals with something valuable to contribute, as are Renfrew
and other protagonists of Gimbutas' ongoing debates.
- This section is heavily indebted to Gimbutas (1991) pages
Below are some relevant links to sites publishing current research
or recapitulating recent thinking concerning the Neolithic of
Europe. Many of the sites referenced contain links to other sites
not mentioned here.
- Select Zur Absolutchronologie der Linearbandkeramik
and under that Abb.01 for the calibration curve and Abb.02 for
the sample frequency per year. The latter is also given at .
- The article includes an extensive bibliography.
- Dienekes summarizes and reviews No charge for abstract. The
article is also reviewed by
- Hawks reviews and comments on three articles.