The
National Socialist German Workers' Party ( ,
abbreviated
NSDAP), commonly known in English as
the
Nazi Party (from the Ger. pronunciation of
Nationalsozialist), was a
political party in Germany between 1919 and
1945. It was known as the
German
Workers' Party (DAP) before the name was changed in 1920.
The party's last leader,
Adolf Hitler,
was appointed
Chancellor of
Germany by president
Paul von
Hindenburg in 1933. Hitler rapidly established a
totalitarian regime known as the
Third Reich.
Nazi ideology stressed the failure of both
laissez-faire capitalism and
communism, the failure of
democracy, and "racial purity of the German
people", as well as
Northwestern
Europeans and persecuted those it perceived either as race
enemies or
Lebensunwertes
Leben, that is "life unworthy of living". This included
Jews,
Slavs, and
Roma along with
homosexuals, the
mentally and physically disabled,
Communists and others. This persecution came to
its climax when the party and the German state which it controlled
organized the systematic murder of approximately six million
Jews and six million other people from the
aforementioned and other groups, in what has become known as
the Holocaust. Hitler's desire to
build a German empire through expansionist policies led to the
outbreak of
World War II in
Europe.
The Nazi Party is generally described as being at the extreme or
far right of the
left-right political axis. While the
party incorporated elements from both
left and right-wing politics, the Nazis
formed most of their alliances on the
right.
Origins and early existence: 1918-1923
The party grew out of smaller political groups with a
nationalist orientation that formed in the last
years of
World War I.
In the early months of
1918, a party called the Freier Ausschuss für einen deutschen
Arbeiterfrieden ("Free Committee for a German Workers' Peace")
was created in Bremen
,
Germany. Anton Drexler,
an avid German nationalist, formed a branch of this league on 7
March 1918, in Munich
.
Drexler was a local locksmith in Munich who had been a member of
the militarist
Fatherland
Party during World War I, and was bitterly opposed to the
armistice of
November 1918 and to the revolutionary upheavals that followed in
its wake. Drexler followed the typical views of militant
nationalists of time, such as opposing the
Treaty of Versailles, having
anti-Semitic, anti-monarchist, and anti-Marxist
views, and believing in the superiority of Germans who nationalists
claimed to be part of the
Aryan "
master race" (
Herrenvolk), but he also
accused international capitalism of being a Jewish-dominated
movement and denounced capitalists for war profiteering in
World War I.
Drexler saw the situation of political
violence and instability in Germany as the result of the new
Weimar
Republic
being
out-of-touch with the masses, especially the lower classes.
Drexler emphasized the need for a synthesis of völkisch
nationalism, a strong central government movement, with economic
socialism to create a popular, centerist nationalist-oriented
workers movement that could challenge the rise of Communism, as
well as the
internationalist left and right
in general.
On 5 January 1919, Drexler, together with
Gottfried Feder,
Dietrich Eckart and
Karl Harrer, and 20 workers from Munich's
railway shops and some others met to discuss the creation of a new
political party based on the political principles which Drexler
endorsed. Drexler proposed that the party be named the
German-Socialist Workers Party, but Harrer objected to using the
term "socialist" in the name, the issue was settled by removing the
term from the name, and it was agreed that the party was named the
German Workers' Party
(
Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, DAP). To ease concerns among
potential middle-class nationalist supporters, Drexler made clear
that unlike Marxists, the party supported middle-class citizens,
and that the party's socialist policy was meant to give
social welfare to German citizens
deemed part of the Aryan race. They became one of many
völkisch movements that
existed in Germany at the time. Like other
völkisch
groups, the DAP advocated the belief that Germany should become a
unified "national community" (
Volksgemeinschaft) rather
than a society divided along class and party lines. This ideology
was explicitly anti-Semitic as it declared that the "national
community" must be
judenfrei ("free of Jews").
From the outset, the DAP was opposed to non-nationalist political
movements, especially on the left, including the
Social Democratic Party of
Germany (SPD) and the newly-formed
Communist Party of Germany (KPD).
Members of the DAP saw themselves as fighting against "
Bolshevism" and anyone considered to be part of or
aiding so-called "
international
Jewry".
The Party believed that Social Welfare was the business of the
State. Before the Nazi movement, the churches administered charity.
The government enforced a collection of a 10% tithe, which was paid
directly to the churches. This charitable bureaucracy was shifted
to the State.
The DAP was a tiny group with fewer than 60 members. Nevertheless,
it attracted the attention of the German authorities, who were
suspicious of any organisation that appeared to have subversive
tendencies. A young corporal, Adolf Hitler, was sent by German army
intelligence to investigate the DAP. While attending a party
meeting, Hitler got involved in a heated political argument and
made an impression on the other party members with his oratory
skills. He was invited to join and, after some deliberation, chose
to accept. Among the party's earlier members were
Rudolf Hess,
Hans
Frank and
Alfred Rosenberg, all
later prominent in the Nazi regime.
Hitler became the DAP's 55th member and received the number 555, as
the DAP added '500' to every member's number to exaggerate the
party's strength. He later claimed to be the 7th party member (he
was in fact the seventh executive member of the party's central
committee; he would later wear the
Golden Party Badge number 1). Over the
following months, the DAP continued to attract new members, while
remaining too small to have any real significance in German
politics. On 24 February 1920, the party added "National Socialist"
to its official name, becoming the National Socialist German
Workers' Party (NSDAP), although Hitler earlier suggested the party
to be renamed the "Social Revolutionary Party"; it was
Rudolf Jung who persuaded Hitler to follow the
NSDAP naming.
Hitler discovered that he had talent as an orator, and his ability
to draw new members, combined with his characteristic ruthlessness,
soon made him the dominant figure. Drexler recognized this, and
Hitler became party chairman on 28 July 1921. When the party had
been established, it consisted of a leadership board elected by the
members, which in turn elected a chairman. Hitler scrapped this
arrangement. He acquired the title
Führer ("leader") and, after a series of
sharp internal conflicts, it was accepted that the party would be
governed by the
Führerprinzip ("leader principle"):
Hitler was the sole leader of the party and he alone decided its
policies and strategy.
Hitler at this time saw the party as a
revolutionary organization, whose aim was the violent overthrow of
the Weimar
Republic
, which he
saw as controlled by the socialists, Jews and the "November criminals" who had betrayed
the German soldiers in 1918. The SA
("storm
troopers", also known as "Brownshirts") were founded as a party
militia in 1921 and began violent attacks on other
parties.
Unlike Drexler and other party members, Hitler was less interested
in the "socialist" aspect of "national socialism" beyond moving
Social Welfare administration from the Church to the State. Himself
of provincial lower-middle-class origins, he disliked the mass
working class of the big cities, and had no sympathy with the
notions of attacking private property or the business class (which
some early Nazis espoused). For Hitler the twin goals of the party
were always German nationalist expansionism and
Antisemitism.
These two goals were fused in his mind by
his belief that Germany's external enemies - Britain
, France and the Soviet Union
- were controlled by the Jews, and that Germany's
future wars of national expansion would necessarily entail a war
against the Jews. For Hitler and his principal lieutenants,
national and racial issues were always dominant. This was
symbolised by the adoption as the party emblem of the
swastika or
Hakenkreuz, at the time
widely
used in the western world. In German nationalist circles, the
swastika was considered a symbol of an "
Aryan
race". The
Swastika symbolized the
replacement of the Christian Cross with allegiance to a National
Socialist State.
During 1921 and 1922, the Nazi Party grew significantly, partly
through Hitler's oratorical skills, partly through the SA's appeal
to unemployed young men, and partly because there was a backlash
against socialist and liberal politics in Bavaria as Germany's
economic problems deepened and the weakness of the Weimar regime
became apparent. The party recruited former World War I soldiers,
to whom Hitler as a decorated frontline veteran could particularly
appeal, small businessmen and disaffected former members of rival
parties. Nazi rallies were often held in beer halls where
downtrodden men could get free beer. The
Hitler Youth was formed for the children of
party members, although it remained small until the late 1920s. The
party also formed groups in other parts of Germany.
Julius Streicher in Nuremberg
was an early recruit. Others to join the
party at this time were former army officer
Ernst Röhm, who became head of the SA, World
War I flying ace
Hermann Göring
and
Heinrich Himmler. In December
1920 the party acquired a newspaper, the
Völkischer Beobachter.
In 1922, a party with remarkably similar policies and objectives
came into power in Italy, the
National Fascist Party under the
leadership of the charismatic
Benito
Mussolini. The Fascists like the Nazis, promoted a national
rebirth of their country; opposed communism and liberalism;
appealed to the working-class; opposed the
Treaty of Versailles; and advocated the
territorial expansion of their country. The Italian Fascists used a
straight-armed
Roman salute and wore
black-shirted uniforms. Hitler was inspired by Mussolini and the
Fascists and borrowed their use of the straight-armed salute as a
Nazi salute. When the Fascists came to power in 1922 in Italy
through their coup attempt called the "
March on Rome", Hitler began planning his own
coup which would materialize one year later.
In January 1923 France occupied the
Ruhr
industrial region as a result of Germany's failure to meet its
reparations payments. This
led to economic chaos, the resignation of
Wilhelm Cuno's government and an attempt by the
Communist Party (KPD) to stage a revolution. The reaction to these
events was an upsurge of nationalist sentiment. Nazi Party
membership grew sharply, to about 20,000. By November, Hitler had
decided that the time was right for an attempt to seize power in
Munich, in the hope that the
Reichswehr
(the post-war German army) would mutiny against the Berlin
government and join his revolt. In this he was influenced by former
General
Erich Ludendorff, who had
become a supporter though not a member of the Nazis.
On the night of 8 November, the Nazis used a patriotic rally in a
Munich beer hall to launch an attempted
putsch
(
coup d'état).
The
so-called Beer Hall
Putsch
attempt failed almost at once when the local
Reichswehr commanders refused to support it. On the morning
of 9 November the Nazis staged a march of about 2,000 supporters
through Munich in an attempt to rally support. Troops opened fire
and 16 Nazis were killed. Hitler, Ludendorff and a number of others
were arrested, and were tried for treason in March 1924. Hitler and
his associates were given very lenient prison sentences. While
Hitler was in prison he wrote his semi-autobiographical political
manifesto
Mein Kampf ("My
Struggle").
The Nazi Party was banned, though with support of the nationalist
Völkisch-Social Bloc
("Völkisch-Sozialer Block"), the Nazi party continued to operate
under the name of the "German Party" (
Deutsche Partei or
DP) from 1924 to 1925. The Nazis failed to remain unified in the
German Party, as in the north, the right-wing
Volkish nationalist supporters of the
Nazis moved to the new
German Völkisch Freedom
Party, leaving the north's left-wing Nazi members, such as
Joseph Goebbels retaining support
for the party.
Rise to power: 1925-1933

180px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_119-0289,_München,_Hitler_bei_Einweihung_"Braunes_Haus".jpg"
style='width:180px' alt="" />
Hitler with Nazi Party members in 1930.
Adolf Hitler was released in December 1924. In the following year
he re-founded and reorganized the Nazi Party, with himself as its
undisputed Leader. The new Nazi Party was no longer a paramilitary
organization, and disavowed any intention of taking power by force.
In any case, the economic and political situation had stabilized
and the extremist upsurge of 1923 had faded, so there was no
prospect of further revolutionary adventures. The Nazi Party of
1925 was divided into the "Leadership Corps" (
Korps der
politischen Leiter), appointed by Hitler, and the general
membership (
Parteimitglieder). The party and the SA were
kept separate and the legal aspect of the party's work was
emphasized. In a sign of this, the party began to admit women.
The SA and
the SS
(founded in April 1925 as Hitler's bodyguard,
commanded by Himmler) were described as "support groups", and all
members of these groups had first to become regular party
members.
The party's nominal Deputy Leader was
Rudolf
Hess, but he had no real power in the party. By the early 1930s
the senior leaders of the party after Hitler were
Himmler,
Goebbels and
Göring. Beneath the Leadership Corps
were the party's regional leaders, the
Gauleiter, each of whom commanded the party
in his
Gau
("region").
There were 98 Gaue for Germany and
an additional seven for Austria, the Sudetenland (in Czechoslovakia
), Danzig
and the
Saarland
(then under French occupation). Joseph Goebbels began his ascent through the
party hierarchy as
Gauleiter of Berlin-Brandenburg in
1926. Streicher was
Gauleiter of
Franconia, where he published his anti-Semitic
newspaper
Der Stürmer.
Beneath the
Gauleiter were lower-level officials, the
Kreisleiter ("county leaders"),
Zellenleiter ("cell leaders")
and
Blockleiter ("block
leaders"). This was a strictly hierarchical structure in which
orders flowed from the top and unquestioning loyalty was given to
superiors. Only the SA retained some autonomy. The SA was composed
largely of unemployed workers, and many SA men took the Nazis'
socialist rhetoric seriously. At this time, the
Hitler salute (borrowed from the
Italian fascists) and the greeting "Heil
Hitler!" were adopted throughout the party.
The Nazis contested elections to the national parliament, the
Reichstag, and to
the state legislatures, the
Landtags, from 1924, although at first with
little success. The "National-Socialist Freedom Movement" polled 3%
of the vote in the
December 1924 Reichstag
elections, and this fell to 2.6% in
1928. State elections produced similar
results. Despite these poor results, and despite Germany's relative
political stability and prosperity during the later 1920s, the Nazi
Party continued to grow. This was partly because Hitler, who had no
administrative ability, left the party organization to the head of
the secretariat,
Philipp Bouhler,
the party treasurer
Franz Xaver
Schwarz and business manager
Max
Amann. The party had a capable propaganda head in
Gregor Strasser, who was promoted to
national organizational leader in January 1928. These men gave the
party efficient recruitment and organizational structures. The
party also owed its growth to the gradual fading away of competitor
nationalist groups, such as the
DNVP. As Hitler became the
recognized head of the German nationalists, other groups declined
or were absorbed.
The party expanded in the 1920s beyond its Bavarian base. Catholic
Bavaria maintained its right-wing ennui for a Catholic monarch, and
Westphalia, along with working-class "Red
Berlin", were always the Nazis' weakest areas electorally, and even
during the Third Reich itself.
The areas of strongest Nazi support were in
rural Protestant areas, such as Schleswig-Holstein
, Mecklenburg, Pomerania and East
Prussia. Depressed working-class areas such as
Thuringia
also gave a strong Nazi vote, while the workers of
the Ruhr and Hamburg
largely remained loyal to the SPD, the KPD or the
Catholic Centre Party.
Nuremberg remained a party stronghold, and the first
Nuremberg Rally was held there in 1927.
These rallies soon became massive displays of Nazi paramilitary
power, and attracted many recruits. The Nazis' strongest appeal was
to the lower middle-class – farmers, public servants, teachers,
small businessmen – who had suffered most from the inflation of the
1920s and who feared Bolshevism more than anything else. The small
business class were receptive to Hitler's anti-Semitism, since they
blamed Jewish big business for their economic problems. University
students, disappointed at being too young to have served in World
War I and attracted by the Nazis' radical rhetoric, also became a
strong Nazi constituency. By 1929 the party had 130,000
members.
Despite these strengths, the Nazi Party might never have come to
power had it not been for the
Great
Depression and its effects on Germany. By 1930 the German
economy was beset with mass unemployment and widespread business
failures. The SPD and the KPD parties were bitterly divided and
unable to formulate an effective solution; this gave the Nazis
their opportunity, and Hitler's message, blaming the crisis on the
Jewish financiers and the Bolsheviks resonated with wide sections
of the electorate. At the
September 1930 Reichstag elections the
Nazis won 18.3% of the vote and became the second-largest party in
the Reichstag after the SPD. Hitler proved to be a highly effective
campaigner, pioneering the use of radio and aircraft for this
purpose. His dismissal of Strasser and appointment of Goebbels as
the party’s propaganda chief was a major factor. While Strasser had
used his position to promote his own version of national socialism,
Goebbels was totally loyal to Hitler and worked only to burnish
Hitler's image.
The 1930 elections changed the German political landscape by
weakening the traditional nationalist parties, the DNVP and the
DVP, leaving the Nazis as the chief alternative to the discredited
SPD and the Zentrum, whose leader,
Heinrich Brüning, headed a weak
minority government. The inability of the democratic parties to
form a united front, the self-imposed isolation of the KPD and the
continued decline of the economy all played into Hitler's hands. He
now came to be seen as de facto leader of the opposition, and
donations poured into the Nazi Party's coffers. Some major business
figures such as
Fritz Thyssen were
Nazi supporters and gave generously, but many other businessmen
were suspicious of the extreme nationalist tendencies of the Nazis
and preferred to support the traditional conservative parties
instead.
During 1931 and into 1932, Germany's political crisis deepened. In
March 1932 Hitler ran for President against the incumbent President
Paul von Hindenburg, polling
30.1% in the first round and 36.8% in the second against
Hindenburg's 49 and 53%. By now the SA had 400,000 members and its
running street battles with the SPD and KPD paramilitaries (who
also fought each other) reduced some German cities to combat zones.
Paradoxically, although the Nazis were among the main instigators
of this disorder, part of Hitler's appeal to a frightened and
demoralised middle class was his promise to restore law and order.
Overt anti-Semitism was played down in official Nazi rhetoric, but
was never far from the surface. Germans voted for Hitler primarily
because of his promises to revive the economy (by unspecified
means), to restore German greatness and overturn the
Treaty of Versailles, and to save
Germany from communism.
On 20 July 1932, the Prussian government was ousted by a coup
Preussenschlag and a few days later at the
July 1932 Reichstag election the
Nazis made another leap forward, polling 37.4% and becoming the
largest party in the
Reichstag by a wide margin.
Furthermore, the Nazis and the KPD between them won 52% of the vote
and a majority of seats. Since both parties opposed the established
political system and neither would join or support any ministry,
this made the formation of a majority government impossible. The
result was weak ministries governing by decree. Under
Comintern directives, the KPD maintained its
policy of treating the SPD as the main enemy, calling them
"
social fascist", thereby splintering
opposition to the Nazis. Later, both the SPD and the KPD accused
each other of having facilitated Hitler's rise to power by their
unwillingness to compromise.
Chancellor
Franz von Papen called
another
Reichstag election in November, hoping to find a
way out of this impasse. The result was the same, with the Nazis
and the KPD winning 50% of the vote between them and more than half
the seats, rendering this
Reichstag no more workable than
its predecessor. But support for the Nazis had fallen to 33.1%,
suggesting that the Nazi surge had passed its peak – possibly
because the worst of the Depression had passed, possibly because
some middle-class voters had supported Hitler in July as a protest
but had now drawn back from the prospect of actually putting him
into power. The Nazis interpreted the result as a warning that they
must seize power before their moment passed. Had the other parties
united, this could have been prevented, but their shortsightedness
made a united front impossible. Papen, his successor
Kurt von Schleicher, and the nationalist
press magnate
Alfred Hugenberg
spent December and January in political intrigues which eventually
persuaded President Hindenburg that it was safe to appoint Hitler
Reich Chancellor at the head of a cabinet which included only a
minority of Nazi ministers, which he did on 30 January 1933.
Federal election results
| Date |
Votes |
Percentage |
Seats in Reichstag |
Background |
| May
1924 |
1,918,300 |
6.5 |
32 |
Hitler in prison |
| December
1924 |
907,300 |
3.0 |
14 |
Hitler is released from prison |
| May 1928 |
810,100 |
2.6 |
12 |
|
| September
1930 |
6,409,600 |
18.3 |
107 |
After the financial crisis |
| July
1932 |
13,745,800 |
37.4 |
230 |
|
| November
1932 |
11,737,000 |
33.1 |
196 |
|
| March
1933 |
17,277,000 |
43.9 |
288 |
After Hitler had become Chancellor |
In power: 1933-1945

The flag of the NSDAP "Old Guard",
which was used by members of the NSDAP
On 27 February 1933, the Reichstag building was set on fire. This
Reichstag fire was blamed on a
communist conspiracy and the KPD's offices were closed, its press
banned and leaders were arrested.
Hitler convinced President von Hindenburg
to sign the "Reichstag Fire
Decree", suspending most of the human
rights provided for by the 1919 constitution of the Weimar
Republic
. A
further decree enabled preventive detention of all communist
leaders, amongst many thousands of others.
Since the new government lacked a majority in parliament, Hitler
held a new
election in March
1933. With the communists eliminated, the Nazis dominated the
election with 43.9%, and with their Nationalist (DNVP) allies,
achieved a parliamentary majority (51.8%).
A further decisive step in the Nazi seizure of power (
Gleichschaltung) was the "
Enabling Act", which granted the
cabinet (and therefore Hitler) legislative powers. The Enabling Act
effectively abolished the
separation of powers, a principle
enshrined in the German Constitution. As such, the Act represented
an amendment to the Constitution and required a two-thirds majority
in parliament in order to pass. Hitler needed the votes of the
Centre Party, which he
obtained after promising certain guarantees to the Centre's
chairman (
Ludwig Kaas). The Centre
Party's 31 votes, added to the votes of the fragmented middle-class
parties, the Nationalists, and the NSDAP itself, gave Hitler the
right to rule by decree and to further suspend many civil
liberties. The communists were opposed to the Enabling Act; but the
KPD could not vote against it, since it had been banned. This left
the SPD as the sole party in the Reichstag who stood against the
Act, but their votes were not sufficient to block the Act's
passing.
As punishment for their dissent, the Social
Democrats became the second party banned by the Nazis (on 22 June),
following the move of their leadership to Prague
.
The Enabling Act, termed for four years, gave the government the
power to enact laws without parliamentary approval, to enact
foreign treaties abroad and even to make changes to the
Constitution. The Nazis did not keep their promises to their
political allies, banning all other parties just as they had banned
the communists and socialists. Following this, the Nazi government
banned the formation of new parties on 14 July 1933, turning
Germany into a
single-party
state. Hitler kept the Reichstag as a
rubber stamp parliament, while the
Reichsrat, though never
abolished, was stripped of any effective power. The legislative
bodies of the German states soon followed in the same manner, with
the German federal government taking over most state and local
legislative powers.
Germany had a policy instituted by Bismarck called "
Kulturkampf". This policy was an attempt to
"modernize" the German people by moving the culture away from
Catholic values to Government inspired values. Hitler used the
Catholic Church to dissolve the Centre Party. On 23 March 1933 he
had called Churches "most important factors" for the maintenance of
German well-being. In regard to the
Catholic Church, he proposed a
Reichskonkordat between Germany and the
Holy See, that was signed in July. In regard to
the Protestant Churches, he signed koncordats and used church
elections to push the Nazi-inspired "German Christians" to power.
This, however, provoked the internal opposition of the "
Confessing Church".
Membership of the Hitler Youth was made compulsory for German
teenagers, and served as a conveyor belt to party membership.
Meetings were held on Sunday mornings in a conscious effort to
shift young people from Church to State. But the Nazi Party did not
immediately purge the state administration of all opponents. The
career civil service was left in place, and only gradually were its
senior levels taken over by Nazis. In some places people who were
opposed to the Nazi regime retained their positions for a long
time. Examples included
Johannes
Popitz, finance minister of the largest German state,
Prussia, until 1944 and an active oppositionist, and
Ernst von Weizsäcker,
under-secretary of state at the Foreign Ministry, who protected a
resistance network in his ministry. The armed forces banned party
membership and retained their independence for some years.
1933–39 saw the gradual fusion of the Nazi Party and the German
state, as the party arrogated more and more power to itself at the
expense of professional civil servants. This led to increasing
inefficiency and confusion in administration, which was compounded
by Hitler’s deliberate policy of preventing any of his underlings
accumulating too much power, and of dividing responsibility among a
plethora of state and party bureaucracies, many of which had
overlapping functions. This administrative muddle later had severe
consequences. Many party officials also lapsed rapidly into
corruption, taking their lead from Göring, who looted and plundered
both state property and wealth appropriated from the Jews. By the
mid-1930s the party as an institution was increasingly unpopular
with the German public, although this did not affect the personal
standing of Hitler, who maintained a powerful hold over the great
majority of the German people until at least 1943.
The SA under Röhm's leadership soon became a major problem for the
party. Many of the 700,000 members of this well-armed working-class
militia took the "socialist" element of "national socialism"
seriously, and soon began to demand that the Nazi regime broaden
its attack from SPD and KPD activists and Jews to include the
capitalist system. In addition, Röhm and his associates saw the SA
as the army of the new revolutionary Nazi state, replacing the old
aristocratic officer corps. The army was still outside party
control, and Hitler feared that it might stage a putsch if its
leaders felt threatened with an SA take-over. The business
community was also alarmed by the SA’s socialist rhetoric, with
which, as noted earlier, Hitler had no sympathy beyond transferring
power from Churches to the State.
In June
1934, Hitler, using the SS and Gestapo
under Himmler's command, staged a coup against
the SA, having Röhm and about 700 others killed. This
Night of the Long Knives
broke the power of the SA, while increasing the power of Himmler
and the SS, who emerged as the real executive arm of the Nazi
Party. The business community was reassured and largely reconciled
to Nazi rule. The army leaders were so grateful that the Defence
Minister,
Werner von Blomberg,
who was not a Nazi, on his own initiative had all army members
swear a personal oath to Hitler as "
führer" of the German
state. These events marked a decisive turning point in the Nazi
take-over of Germany. The borders between the party and the state
became increasingly blurred, and Hitler's personal will
increasingly had the force of law, although the independence of the
state bureaucracy was never completely eclipsed.
The effect of the purge of the SA was to redirect the energies of
the Nazi Party away from social issues and towards racial enemies,
namely the Jews, whose civil, economic and political rights were
steadily restricted, culminating in the passage of the
Nuremberg Laws of September 1935, which
stripped them of their citizenship and banned marriage and sexual
relations between Jews and "Aryans". After a lull in anti-Semitic
agitation during 1936 and 1937 (partly because of the
1936 Olympic Games), the Nazis returned
to the attack in November 1938, launching the
pogrom known as
Kristallnacht ("Night of Broken Glass"),
in which at least 100 Jews were killed and 30,000 arrested and sent
to
concentration camps, and thousands of
Jewish homes, businesses,
synagogues and
community facilities were attacked and burned. This satisfied the
party radicals for a while, but the regional party bosses remained
a persistent lobby for more radical action against the Jews, until
they were finally deported to their deaths in 1942, 1943, 1944, and
most poignantly in Spring of 1945—days before Liberation.
Paradoxically, the more completely the Nazi regime dominated German
society, the less relevant the Nazi Party became as an organization
within the regime's power structure. Hitler's rule was highly
personalised, and the power of his subordinates such as Himmler and
Goebbels depended on Hitler's favour and their success in
interpreting his desires rather than on their nominal positions
within the party. The party had no governing body or formal
decision-making process – no
Politburo, no
Central Committee, no Party Congresses. The "party chancellery"
headed by Hess theoretically ran the party, but in reality it had
no influence because Hess himself was a marginal figure within the
regime. It was not until 1941, when Hess flew off on a
quixotic "peace mission" to Britain, and was
succeeded by
Martin Bormann, that the
party chancellery regained its power – but this was mainly because
Hitler had a high opinion of Bormann and allowed him to act as his
political secretary. Real power in the regime was exercised by an
axis of Hitler's office, Himmler's SS and Goebbels's Propaganda
Ministry.
War and eclipse
With the outbreak of war in 1939, the party to some extent came
back into its own, particularly after 1941 as the war dragged on
and the military situation began to turn against Germany. As Hitler
withdrew from domestic matters to concentrate on military matters,
civil administration ground to a halt and the German state became
more disorganized and ineffective. The Gauleiters, who were nearly
all old-guard Nazis and fanatical Hitler loyalists, took control of
rationing, labour direction, the allocation of housing, air-raid
protection and the issuing of the multiplicity of permits Germans
needed to carry on their lives and businesses. They served to some
extent as
ombudsmen for the citizenry
against a remote and ineffective state. They agitated for the
removal of the remaining Jews from Germany, using the shortage of
housing in German cities as a result of Allied bombing as a
pretext.
As the Allied armies closed in on Germany,
the Gauleiters often took charge of last-ditch resistance: Karl Hanke's defence of Breslau
was an outstanding example. In Berlin the
teenagers of the Hitler Youth, under the direction of their
fanatical leader
Artur Axmann, fought
and died in large numbers against the invading Soviet armies.
The army was the last area of the German state to succumb to the
Nazi Party, and it never did so entirely. The pre-1933
Reichswehr had banned its members joining political
parties, and this was maintained for some time after 1933. Nazis of
military age joined the
Waffen-SS, the military wing of the SS. In
1938 both Defence Minister Blomberg and the army chief of staff,
General
Werner von Fritsch, were
removed from office after trumped-up scandals. Hitler made himself
Defence Minister, and the new army leaders, Generals
Franz Halder and
Walther von Brauchitsch, were in awe
of Hitler.
Nevertheless Halder supported unsuccessful
plans to stage a coup and remove Hitler from power during the 1938
crisis over Czechoslovakia
, and again in 1939. Brauchitsch knew of
these plans but would not support them. The ban on Nazis joining
the German Army traditionally a stronghold of Protestant monarchist
conservatism opposed to any mass political movements was lifted in
1939. A number of generals, notably
Walther von Reichenau and
Walter Model, became fanatical Nazis. It was
not until 1944 that a group of officers opposed to the Nazi regime
staged a serious attempt to overthrow Hitler in the
20 July plot, but they never had the full
support of the officer corps. The German Navy was always loyal to
Hitler; its commander,
Karl Dönitz,
was Hitler's designated successor in 1945.
By 1945 the Nazi Party and the Nazi state were inseparable. When
the German armies surrendered to the Allies in May 1945 and the
German state ceased to exist, the Nazi Party, despite its 8.5
million nominal members and its nation-wide organisational
structure, also ceased to exist. Its most fanatical members either
killed themselves, fled Germany or were arrested. The rank-and-file
burned their party cards and sought to blend back into German
society. By the end of the war Nazism had been reduced to little
more than loyalty to the person of Adolf Hitler, and his death
released most Nazis from even this obligation. In his Political
Testament, Hitler appointed Bormann "Party Minister", but nominated
no successor as leader of the party – a recognition that a Nazi
Party without Hitler had no basis for existence . The Nazi Party
was banned by the Allied occupation authorities and an extensive
process of
denazification was carried
out to remove former Nazis from the administration, judiciary,
universities, schools and press of occupied Germany. There was
virtually no resistance or attempt to organize a Nazi underground.
By the
time normal political life resumed in western Germany
in 1949, Nazism was effectively extinct.
In
East
Germany
, the new Communist authorities took their vengeance
on any former high-ranking Nazis that they could find, and the
survival of any kind of Nazi movement was out of the
question.
Since 1949, there have been attempts to organise ultra-nationalist
parties in Germany, but none of these parties was overtly Nazi or
tried to use the symbols and slogans of the Nazi Party.
The
German Reich Party
(Deutsche Reichspartei, DRP), containing many former
Nazis, had five members in the first Bundestag
elected in 1949, but they were defeated in
1953. By the 1960s, its chairman
Adolf von Thadden realised it had no
future and it was wound up in 1964. Thadden (whose half-sister
Elisabeth von Thadden was
executed by the Nazis for her role in the
German Resistance) then formed a new,
broader party, the
National Democratic Party
of Germany (
Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands,
NPD), which still exists, led today by
Udo
Voigt.
The NPD has survived several attempts to
have it banned by the Federal
Constitutional Court
as a neo-Nazi party. It has occasionally
won seats in the Landtags of several German states, primarily in
the territories of the former German Democratic Republic
, but has never reached the 5% threshold needed to
win seats in the Bundestag. The NPD had 5,300
registered party members in 2004, and its main platform is
opposition to immigration.
Party composition
General membership
The general membership of the Nazi Party, known as the
Parteimitglieder, mainly consisted of the urban and rural
lower middle classes. 7% belonged
to the
upper class, another 7% were
peasants, 35% were
industrial workers and 51% were what can be
described as
middle class.
When it came to power in 1933, the Nazi Party had over 2 million
members. Once in power, it attracted many more members and by the
time of its dissolution it had 8.5 million members. Many of these
were nominal members who joined for careerist reasons, but the
party had an active membership of at least a million, including
virtually all the holders of senior positions in the national
government.
Military membership
Nazi members with military ambitions were encouraged to join the
Waffen-SS, but a great number
enlisted in the
Wehrmacht and even more were drafted for
service after
World War II began. Early
regulations required that all
Wehrmacht members be
non-political, and therefore any Nazi member joining in the 1930s
was required to resign from the Nazi Party.
This regulation was soon waived, however, and there is ample
evidence that full Nazi Party members served in the
Wehrmacht in particular after the outbreak of World War
II. The
Wehrmacht Reserves also saw a high number of
senior Nazis enlisting, with
Reinhard
Heydrich and
Fritz Todt joining the
Luftwaffe, and Major Ronald von
Brysonstofen of the
Waffen-SS, as well as
Karl Hanke who served in the Army.
Student membership
In 1926, the NSDAP formed a special division to engage the student
population, known as the
National Socialist
German Students' League (NSDStB).
Paramilitary groups
In addition to the NSDAP proper, several paramilitary groups
existed which "supported" Nazi aims. All members of these
paramilitary organizations were required to become regular Nazi
Party members first and could then enlist in the group of their
choice. A vast system of
Nazi party paramilitary ranks
developed for each of the various paramilitary groups.
The major Nazi Party paramilitary groups were as follows:
The
Hitler Youth was a paramilitary
group divided into an adult leadership corps and a general
membership open to boys aged fourteen to eighteen.
Party symbols
- Nazi Flag: The Nazi party used a
right-facing swastika as their symbol and
the red and black colors were said to represent Blut und Boden ("blood and soil").
Another definition of the flag describes the colours as
representing the ideology of National Socialism, the swastika
representing the Aryan race and the Aryan nationalist agenda of the
movement; white representing Aryan racial purity; and red
representing the socialist agenda of the movement. Black, white and red
were in fact the colors of the old North German
Confederation
flag (invented by Otto
von Bismarck, based on the Prussian colours black and white and
the red used by northern German states). In 1871, with the
foundation of the German Reich, the flag of the North German
Confederation became the German Reichsflagge ("Reich's
flag"). Black, white and red became the colours of
the nationalists through the following history (for example
World War I and the Weimar
Republic
).
- German Eagle: The Nazi
party used the traditional German eagle, standing atop of a
swastika inside a wreath of oak leaves.
When the eagle is looking to its left shoulder, it symbolises the
Nazi party, and was called the Parteiadler. In contrast,
when the eagle is looking to its right shoulder, it symbolises the
country (Reich), and was therefore
called the Reichsadler. After
the Nazi party came to power in Germany, they forced the
replacement of the traditional version of the German eagle with
their modified party symbol throughout the country and all its
institutions.
Image:Nazi eagle swastika.png|The Parteiadler
representing the Nazi partyImage:Reichsadler.svg|The
Reichsadler during the time of Nazi rule, representing
Nazi Germany as a national insignia
(Hoheitszeichen)Image:Reichsmark.jpg|5-Reichsmark coins before (1936) and after
adding the Nazi swastika (1938)
Slogans and songs
See also
Notes
- Online Etymology Dictionary
- Arendt, Hannah. The Origins of Totalitarianism.
London; New York; San Diego:Harvest Book. Pp. 306
- Curtis, Michael. 1979 Totalitarianism. New Brunswick
(USA); London: Transactions Publishers. Pp. 36
- Burch, Betty Brand. 1964 Dictatorship and Totalitarianism:
Selected Readings. Pp. 58
- Bruhn, Jodi; Maier, Hans Hans Maier. 2004. Totalitarianism
and Political Religions: Concepts for the Comparison of
Dictatorships. Routledge: Oxon (U.K.); New York. Pp. 32.
- Fritzsche, Peter. 1998. Germans into Nazis. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press; Eatwell, Roger, Fascism, A
History, Viking/Penguin, 1996, pp.xvii-xxiv, 21, 26–31,
114–140, 352. Griffin, Roger. 2000. "Revolution from the
Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) Revolutions and
the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560-1991, Routledge,
London.
- Spector, Robert Melvin. World Without Civilization: Mass Murder
And The Holocaust, History, And Analysis. University of America
Press. Pp. 137.
- Spector, Pp. 137.
- Carlsten, F. L. The Rise of Fascism. University of California
Press. Pp. 91
- Carlsten, Pp. 91
- Jablonsky, David. 1989. The Nazi Party in Dissolution:
Hitler and the Verbotzeit, 1923-1925. Routledge. Pp. 57
- Jablonsky, Pp. 57
- "Social democracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism..
These organisations (ie Fascism and social democracy) are not
antipodes, they are twins." (J.V.Stalin: Concerning the International
Situation (September 1924), in Works, Volume 6, 1953;
p.294.) This later led Otto Wille Kuusinen to conclude that
"The aims of the fascists and the social-fascists are the same."
(Report To the 10th Plenum of ECCI, in International Press
Correspondence, Volume 9, no.40, (20 August, 1929),
p.848.)
References
External links