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Nazism, known officially in German as National Socialism ( ), is the totalitarian ideology and practices of the Nazi Party or National Socialist German Workers’ Party under Adolf Hitler, and the policies adopted by the dictatorial government of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945.

Nazism is often considered by scholars to be a form of fascism. While it incorporated elements from both left and right-wing politics, the Nazis formed most of their alliances on the right. The Nazis were one of several historical groups that used the term National Socialism to describe themselves, and in the 1920s they became the largest such group. The Nazi Party presented its program in the 25 point National Socialist Program in 1920. Among the key elements of Nazism were anti-parliamentarism, Pan-Germanism, racism, collectivism, eugenics, antisemitism, anti-communism, totalitarianism and opposition to economic liberalism and political liberalism.

In the 1930s, Nazism was not a monolithic movement, but rather a (mainly Germanmarker) combination of various ideologies and philosophies which centered around nationalism, anti-communism, traditionalism and the importance of the ethnostate. Groups such as Strasserism and Black Front were part of the early Nazi movement. Their motivations were triggered over anger about the Treaty of Versailles, and what they considered to have been a Jewish/communist conspiracy to humiliate Germany at the end of the World War I. Germany's post-war ills were critical to the formation of the ideology and its criticisms of the post-war Weimar Republicmarker. The Nazi Party came to power in Germany in 1933.

In response to the instability created by the Great Depression, the Nazis sought a Third Way managed economy that was neither capitalism nor communism. Nazi rule effectively ended on May 7, 1945, V-E Day, when the Nazis unconditionally surrendered to the Allied Powers, who took over Germany's administration until Germany could form its own democratic government.

Terminology

The term Nazi is derived from the first two syllables of Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, the official German language name of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (commonly known in English as the Nazi Party). Party members rarely referred to themselves as Nazis, and instead used the official term, Nationalsozialisten (National Socialists). The word mirrors the term Sozi,a common and slightly derogatory term for members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands). When Adolf Hitler took power, the use of the term Nazi almost disappeared from Germany, although it was still used by opponents in Austriamarker.

History

National Socialist philosophy came together during a time of crisis in Germany; the nation had lost World War I in 1918, and had also been forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles, a devastating capitulation, and was in the midst of a period of great economic depression and instability. The Dolchstosslegende (or “stab in the back”),described by the National Socialists, featured a claim that the war effort was sabotaged internally, in large part by Germany’s Jews. The National Socialists suggested that a lack of patriotism had led to Germany’s defeat (for one, the front line was not on German soil at the time of the armistice). In politics, criticism was directed at the Social Democrats and the Weimar governmentmarker (Deutsches Reich 1919–1933), which the National Socialists accused of selling out the country. The concept of Dolchstosslegende led many to look at Jews and other so-called “non-Germans” living in Germany as having extra-national loyalties, thereby raising antisemitic sentiments and the Judenfrage (German for “Jewish Question”),at a time when the Völkisch movement and a desire to create a Greater Germany were strong.

On January 5, 1919, the party that eventually became the Nazi Party was founded under the name German Workers' Party (DAP) by Anton Drexler, along with six other members.German intelligence authorities sent Hitler, a corporal at the time, to investigate the German Workers’ Party. As a result, party members invited him to join after he impressed them with the speaking ability he displayed while arguing with party members. Hitler joined the party in September 1919, and he became the propaganda boss.The party was renamed the National Socialist German Workers’ Party on February 24, 1920, against Hitler’s choice of Social Revolutionary Party.Hitler ousted Drexler and became the party leader on July 29, 1921.

Although Adolf Hitler had joined the Nazi Party in September 1919, and published Mein Kampf (“My Struggle”) in 1925 and 1926, the seminal ideas of National Socialism had their roots in groups and individuals of decades past. These include the Völkisch movement and its religious-occult counterpart, Ariosophy. Among the various Ariosophic lodge-like groups, only the Thule Society is related to the origins of the Nazi party.

The term Nazism refers to the ideology of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party and its worldview which permeated German society (and to some degree European and American society) during the party’s years as the German government (1933 to 1945). Free elections in 1932 under Germany’s Weimar Republic made the NSDAP the largest parliamentary faction; no similar party in any country at that time had achieved comparable electoral success. Hitler’s January 30, 1933 appointment as Chancellor of Germany and his subsequent consolidation of dictatorial power marked the beginning of Nazi Germany. During its first year in power, the NSDAP announced the Tausendjähriges Reich (“Thousand Years’ Empire”) or Drittes Reich (“Third Reich”), a putative successor to the Holy Roman Empire and the German Empiremarker).

Post-1933 developments

During the night of February 27, 1933, the Reichstag fire provided Hitler with a convenient excuse for suppressing his opponents. The following day, he persuaded President Paul von Hindenburg to sign an emergency decree suspending civil liberties and stripping the power of the federal German states. Opponents were imprisoned first in improvised camps (wilde Lager) and later in an organized system of Nazi concentration camps. On March 23, the Reichstag passed an “Enabling Law” which granted Hitler dictatorial powers. Unions were abolished and political parties, other than the National Socialists, forbidden.

Having dealt with his political enemies, Hitler moved against his rivals in the party, principally those allied with Ernst Röhm, leader of the Sturmabteilungmarker (known as SA or “brownshirts”) and Gregor Strasser, leader of the Nazi left wing. Between June 30 and July 2, 1934, these were purged in the so-called Night of the Long Knives. With this, Hitler assured the support of the powerful Reichswehr. After the death of President Paul von Hindenburg on August 2, there was no one left who could present an effective challenge to Nazi power.

The Nazi Party had been anti-Semitic from the beginning, and shortly after seizing power had attempted a boycott against the Jews (see Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses). Official measures against the Jews had been limited by the reluctance of President Hindenburg, but the Nuremberg Laws, proclaimed by Hitler at the 1935 Nazi rally in Nuremberg, provided a legal basis for systematic persecution. Visible signs of anti-Semitism were removed during the 1936 Summer Olympics, but replaced shortly thereafter.

Foreign reaction

During the mid to late 1930s the British and French governments generally held a stance of appeasement for the Nazi regime and its breaching of Treaty of Versailles through rearmament. Though some figures in Britain and France they had begun to criticize this and Germany's embrace of totalitarianism and in Britain especially, Nazi Germany’s policies towards the Jews. Important reasons behind this appeasement included the erroneous assumption that Hitler had no desire to precipitate another world war, even though in Mein Kampf he had outlined the party’s program in detail, overtly and explicitly committing himself to another European-wide war. Later, when the rebirth of the German military could no longer be ignored, appeasement continued through the concern that neither Britain nor France was yet ready to fight an all-out war against Germany.

The latter line of argument, that the West was not ready for war with Germany, was, as Churchill pointed out, unsatisfactory, as the appeasement program in fact worsened the problem; for example by removing Czechoslovakia’s resources from the anti-Nazi side, and adding them to the Nazi side. As Churchill said of appeasement:

In 1936, Nazi Germany and Japanmarker entered into the Anti-Comintern Pact, aimed directly at countering Soviet foreign policy. This alliance later became the basis for the Tripartite Pact with Italy, the foundation of the Axis Powers. The three nations united in their opposition to communism, as well as their militaristic, racist regimes, however they failed to coordinate their military efforts effectively.

World War II



The Nazis were determined to retrieve the territories that Germany had lost after the Versailles Treaty and create a powerful, German realm. They wanted this realm to include Danzigmarker, towards which the state of Poland had had limited rights since the Versailles Treaty. When diplomacy failed to secure Danzig's return to Germany, the Nazis got lucky. The communist Soviet Union, an unlikely ally, wanted a non-aggression pact and promised to assist Germany if there was war with Poland. In 1939 Germany attacked Poland; France and the United Kingdom declared war on Germany in response. The Soviet Union then attacked Poland from the east as promised. Poland was defeated but the war between Germany, France and the United States continued.

In 1940, Germany attacked and defeated the French and British continental forces in France. France became an occupied country. The Battle of Britain followed, but Germany soon turned its attention to the East. Hitler believed that if the Soviet Union fell, the United Kingdom would come to terms with Germany.

In 1941, Germany and its allies launched Operation Barbarossa against the Soviet Unionmarker. In spite of its initial success, the Soviets were able to turn the tide. After the Battle of Stalingradmarker, the Soviets launched a powerful offensive and quickly advanced towards Germany from the East. In 1944, the United States and the United Kingdom landed in France as part of a major offensive against the Germans from the West. Within a year, Germany was occupied and defeated and World War II in Europe was over. The victors declared the Nazi Party (NSDAP) a criminal organization and the Nazi regime came to an end.

Today, in the Federal Republic of Germanymarker, Nazism is outlawed as a political ideology, as are forms of iconography and propaganda from the Nazi era. Nevertheless, neo-Nazis continue to operate there and abroad. Following World War II and the Holocaust, the term Nazi and symbols associated with Nazism (such as the Swastika) have acquired overwhelmingly negative connotations in Europe and North America.

Ideology

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Nazism has come to stand for a belief in the superiority of an Aryan race, an abstraction of the Germanic peoples. During Hitler’s time, the Nazis advocated a strong, centralized government under the Führer and claimed to defend Germany and the German people (including those of German ethnicity abroad) against Communism and so-called Jewish subversion. Ultimately, the Nazis sought to create a largely homogeneous and autarkic ethnic state, absorbing the ideas of Pan-Germanism.

Historians often disagree on the principal interests of the Nazi Party and whether Nazism can be considered a coherent ideology. The original National Socialists claimed that there would be no program that would bind them, and that they wanted to reject any established world view. Still, as Hitler played a major role in the development of the Nazi Party from its early stages and rose to become the movement’s indisputable iconographic figurehead, much of what is thought to be “Nazism” is in line with Hitler’s own political beliefs the ideology and the man remain largely interchangeable in the public eye. Some dispute whether Hitler’s views relate directly to those surrounding the movement; the problem is exacerbated by the inability of various self-proclaimed Nazis and Nazi groups to decide on a universal ideology. But if Nazism is the world view promulgated in Mein Kampf, that world view is consistent and coherent, being characterized essentially by a conception of history as a race struggle; the Führerprinzip; anti-Semitism; and the need to acquire Lebensraum (living space) at the expense of the Soviet Unionmarker. The core concept of Nazism is that the German Volk is under attack from a judeo-bolshevist conspiracy, and must become united, disciplined and self-sacrificing (id est must submit to Nazi leadership) in order to win.

Hitler's political beliefs were formulated in Mein Kampf. His ideology had three main thoughts: a conception of history as a race struggle influenced by Social Darwinism; antisemitism; and the idea that Germany needed to acquire land from Russiamarker. His antisemitism, coupled with his anti-Communism, gave the grounds of his conspiracy theory of “judeo-bolshevism”. Hitler first began to develop his views through observations he made while living in Viennamarker from 1907 to 1913. He concluded that a racial, religious, and cultural hierarchy existed, and he placed “Aryans” at the top as the ultimate superior race, while Jews and “Gypsies” were people at the bottom. He vaguely examined and questioned the policies of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, where, as a citizen by birth, he had lived during the Empire’s last throes. He believed that its ethnic and linguistic diversity had weakened the Empire and helped to create dissent. Furthermore, he saw democracy as a destabilizing force because it placed power in the hands of, amongst others, ethnic minorities who he claimed, “weakened and destabilized” the Empire by dividing it against itself. Hitler’s political beliefs were affected by World War I and the 1917 October Revolution, and were further modified between 1920 and 1923. He formulated them definitively in Mein Kampf.

Fascism

In both popular thought and academic scholarship, Nazism is generally considered a form of fascism a term whose definition is contentious. Both fascism and Nazism reject ideologies like democracy, liberalism and Marxism, but it is difficult to indentify a perfect definition of the two terms. According to most scholars of fascism, there are both left and right influences on the ideology; it has historically attacked communism, conservatism and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far right.

Italian Fascists tended to believe that all elements in society should be unified through corporatism to form an “Organic State”, and Italian fascists often had no strong opinion on race, since it was the state and nation that mattered. German Nazism, however, emphasized the Aryan race or “Volk” principle to the point where the state seemed to be simply a means to an end. Aryanism was not an attractive idea for Italians, who were not considered a Nordic population, but there was still strong racism and genocide in concentration camps in Italy, long before either was in place in Germany.

Some historians, such as Zeev Sternhell, see each movement as unique, however many historians argue that there is a stronger family resemblance between the Italian and the German fascist movements than there is between democracies in Europe or the communist states of the Cold War. Additionally, the crimes of the fascist movement can be compared, not only in numbers of casualties, but also in common developments, such as Benito Mussolini's March on Rome and Adolf Hitler’s attempted coup d'etat in Munichmarker.

Nationalism

Hitler founded the Nazi state upon a racially defined “German people” and principally rejected the idea of being bound by the limits of nationalism. That was only a means for attempting unlimited supremacy. In that sense, its hyper-nationalism was tolerated to reach a world-dominating Germanic-Aryan Volksgemeinschaft. This idea is a central concept of Mein Kampf, symbolized by the motto Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer (one people, one empire, one leader). The Nazi relationship between the Volk and the state was called the Volksgemeinschaft (people’s community), a late nineteenth or early twentieth century neologism that defined a communal duty of citizens in service to the Reich (as opposed to a simple society). The term “National Socialism” derives from this citizen-nation relationship, whereby the term socialism is invoked and is meant to be realized through the common duty of the individuals to the German people; all actions are to be in service of the Reich. The Nazis stated that their goal was to bring forth a nation-state as the locus and embodiment of the people’s collective will, bound by the Volksgemeinschaft, as both an ideal and an operating instrument. In comparison, traditional socialist ideologies oppose the idea of nations.

Militarism

Nazi rationale invested heavily in the militarist belief that great nations grow from military power and maintained order, which in turn grow “naturally” from “rational, civilized cultures”. The Nazi Party appealed to German nationalists and national pride, capitalizing on irredentist and revanchist sentiments as well as aversions to various aspects of modernist thinking (although at the same time embracing other modernist ideas, such as admiration for engine power). Many ethnic Germans felt deeply committed to the goal of creating the Greater Germany (the old dream to include German-speaking Austria), which some believe required the use of military force to achieve.

Racism and discrimination

The Nazi racial philosophy was influenced by the works of Arthur de Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, and Madison Grant, and was elaborated by Alfred Rosenberg in the Myth of the Twentieth Century.

Hitler also claimed that a nation was the highest creation of a “race”, and “great nations” (literally large nations) were the creation of homogeneous populations of “great races” working together. These nations developed cultures that naturally grew from “races” with “natural good health, and aggressive, intelligent, courageous traits”. The “weakest nations”, Hitler said, were those of “impure” or “mongrel races”, because they had divided, quarreling, and therefore weak cultures. Worst of all were seen to be the parasitic “Untermensch” (“subhumans”), mainly Jews, but also Gypsies and Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals, the disabled and so-called anti-socials, all of whom were considered “lebensunwertes Leben” (“life-unworthy life”) owing to their perceived deficiency and inferiority, as well as their wandering, nationless invasions (“the International Jew”). The persecution of homosexuals as part of the Holocaust (with the pink triangle) has seen increasing scholarly attention since the 1990s, even though many homosexuals served in the Sturmabteilungen.

According to Nazism, it is an obvious mistake to permit or encourage plurality within a nation. Fundamental to the Nazi goal was the unification of all German-speaking peoples, “unjustly” divided into different Nation States. The Nazis tried to recruit Dutch and Scandinavian men into the SSmarker, considering them of superior “Germanic” stock, with only limited success.

Hitler claimed that nations that could not defend their territory did not deserve it. He thought “slave races”, like the Slavic peoples, to be less worthy to exist than “leader races”. In particular, if a master race should require room to live (“Lebensraum”), he thought such a race should have the right to displace the inferior indigenous races.

“Races without homelands”, Hitler proclaimed, were “parasitic races”, and the richer the members of a parasitic race were, the more virulent the parasitism was said to be. A master race could therefore, according to the Nazi doctrine, easily strengthen itself by eliminating parasitic races from its homeland. This idea was the given rationalization for the Nazis’ later oppression and elimination of Jews, Gypsies, Czechs, Poles, the mentally and physically handicapped, homosexuals and others not belonging to these groups or categories that were part of the Holocaust. The Waffen-SS and other German soldiers (including parts of the Wehrmacht), as well as civilian paramilitary groups in occupied territories, were responsible for the deaths of an estimated eleven million men, women, and children in concentration camps, prisoner-of-war camps, labor camps, and death camps such as Auschwitzmarker and Treblinkamarker.

Eugenics

The belief in the need to purify the German race led them to eugenics; this effort culminated in the involuntary euthanasia of disabled people and the compulsory sterilization of people with mental deficiencies or illnesses perceived as hereditary. Adolf Hitler considered Spartamarker to be the first “Völkisch State”, and praised its early eugenics treatment of deformed children.

Antisemitism

According to Nazi propaganda, the Jews thrived on fomenting division amongst Germans and amongst states. Nazi antisemitism was primarily racial: “The Jew is the enemy and destroyer of the purity of blood, the conscious destroyer of our race;” however, the Jews were also described as plutocrats exploiting the worker: “As socialists we are opponents of the Jews because we see in the Hebrews the incarnation of capitalism, of the misuse of the nation’s goods.” In addition, the Nazis articulated opposition to finance capitalism with an emphasis on antisemitic claims that this was manipulated by a conspiracy of Jewish bankers.

Homosexuality

An estimated 100,000 homosexuals were arrested after Hitler’s rise to power in the 1930s. Of those, 50,000 were suspected to be incarcerated in concentration camps, making for 5,000 to 15,000 deaths. According to Harry Oosterhuis, the Nazis’ original view toward homosexuality was at least ambiguous if not openly tolerant or even approving, with homosexuality common in the Sturmabteilungmarker (SA) which was critical to Hitler as the paramilitary arm of the NSDAP. Völkisch-nationalist youth movements attracted homosexuals because of the preaching of Männerbund (male bonding); in practice, Oosterhuis says, this meant that the persecution of homosexuals was more politically motivated or opportunistic than anything else. For example, the homosexuality of Ernst Röhm and other leaders of the Sturmabteilung was well known for years and became the basis for satire and jokes, including in the Army, which was highly suspicious and resentful of the SA’s power and size. The execution of Röhm (on June 30, 1934, the "Night of the Long Knives") was ordered by Hitler chiefly because Röhm was perceived as a political threat, not because of his homosexuality. Indeed, it was only after these murders that the Nazis publicly expressed concern about the depraved morals of Röhm and the other S.A. leaders: addressing the surviving storm troop leaders in Munich at noon on June 30, just after the first executions, Hitler declared that for their corrupt morals alone these men deserved to die.

Eventually, Nazism declared itself incompatible with homosexuality, because gays did not reproduce and perpetuate the master race. In 1936, Heinrich Himmler, Chief of the SS, created the "Reich Central Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and Abortion." Homosexuality was declared contrary to "wholesome popular sentiment," and gay men were regarded as "defilers of German blood." Homosexuals were persecuted for their sexuality. When they were prisoners in a concentration camp, they were forced to wear a pink triangle.

Religion

Hitler extended his rationalizations into a religious doctrine, underpinned by his criticism of traditional Catholicism. In particular, and closely related to Positive Christianity, Hitler objected to Catholicism’s ungrounded and international character that is, it did not pertain to an exclusive race and national culture. At the same time, and somewhat contradictorily, the Nazis combined elements of Germany’s Lutheran community tradition with its northern European, organic pagan past. Elements of militarism found their way into Hitler’s own theology; he preached that his was a “true” or “master” religion, because it would “create mastery” and avoid comforting lies. Those who preached love and tolerance, “in contravention to the facts”, were said to be “slave” or “false” religions. The man who recognized these “truths”, Hitler continued, was said to be a “natural leader”, and those who denied it were said to be “natural slaves”. “Slaves” especially intelligent ones, he claimed were always attempting to hinder their masters by promoting false religious and political doctrines.

Though the "National Socialist leaders and dogmas were basically uncompromisingly antireligious", Davidson, Eugene. The Trial of the Germans Originally published: New York : Macmillan, 1966. Republished by University of Missouri Press, 1997. p. 527. the Nazi State primarily (but with exceptions) did not act officially in a directly anti-clerical manner except to those who refused to accommodate the new regime and yield to its power. As Martin Bormann put it, "Priests will be paid by us and, as a result, they will preach what we want. If we find a priest acting otherwise short work is to be made of him. The task of the priest consists in keeping the Poles quiet, stupid, and dull-witted.""Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7" (Feb 8, 1946) The Avalon Project Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy Accessed: 2008-10-25. /avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-08-46.asp> As a result almost 16% of the Catholic clergy in Poland were killed and many more including 13 out of the original 38 Bishops were sent to concentration campsPiotrowski, Tadeusz. Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide in the Second Republic, 1918-1947 McFarland, 1998. NC. p. 28. in an attempt to demoralize the Polish population. Bergen, Doris L. War and Genocide: A Concise History of the Holocaust p. 105. Published by Rowman & Littlefield, 2003 These actions, combined with their closings of various religious instruction institutions and semininaries was successful in causing some great clergy shortages given Poland's highly Catholic populace."The Trial of German Major War Criminals, Sitting at Nuremberg, Germany" (January 8, 1946) The Nizkor Project /www.nizkor.org/hweb/imt/tgmwc/tgmwc-04/tgmwc-04-29-02.shtml>: For example, "Entire 'Kreise' (districts) remained thus completely deprived of clergy. In the city of Poznan itself the spiritual care of some 200,000 Catholics remained in the hands of not more than four priests." Within more loyal nations of the Reich, anti-clericism typically occurred in a more unofficial sense which took the form of arresting disliked clergy for non-religious offences such as immorality,Holy War "TIME" May 31, 1937 /www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,847866,00.html>>: '[Hitler] had long been lining up "evidence" to prove that German Catholic monasteries were hotbeds of immorality. In a climactic, triumphant effort to squelch Catholicism on Aryan soil he threw all the immorality trials into the courts at the same time. He hoped that wholesale convictions would destroy the prestige of the Catholic Church for good, that the Reich's 2,000,000 or so Catholic children would be transformed without a hitch into little Brown Shirts.'Trial of German Major War Criminals (Volume 3) Dec. 17, 1945. The Nizkor Project /www.nizkor.org/hweb/imt/tgmwc/tgmwc-03/tgmwc-03-21-16.html>"The struggle against the Church did, in fact, become ever more bitter, there was the dissolution of Catholic organisations; ...the systematic defamation, by means of a clever, closely organised propaganda, of the Church, the clergy... [. . . .]in the summer of 1942, 480 German-speaking ministers of religion were known to be gathered there; of these, 45 were Protestants, all the others Catholic priests. In spite of the continuous inflow of new internees, especially from dioceses of Bavaria, Rhenania and Westphalia, their number, as a result of the high rate of mortality, at the beginning of this year did not surpass 350. Nor should we pass over in silence those belonging to occupied territories, Holland, Belgium, France (among whom the Bishop of Clermont), Luxembourg, Slovenia, Italy. Many of those priests and laymen endured indescribable sufferings for their faith and for their vocation". as well as secret harassment by Nazi instigatorsThe Trial of German Major War Criminals (Volume 1) Nov. 21, 1945 The Nizkor Project /www.nizkor.org/hweb/imt/tgmwc/tgmwc-01/tgmwc-01-02-04.html> >: "A most intense drive was directed against the Roman Catholic Church. After a strategic Concordat with the Holy See, signed in July, 1933, in Rome, which never was observed by the Nazi Party, a long and persistent persecution of the Catholic Church, its priesthood and its members, was carried out...Priests and bishops were laid upon, riots were stimulated to harass them, and many were sent to concentration camps." and agents, especially those of the Gestapo and the SD.Nizkor Nazi Conspiracy & Aggression Volume II, Criminality of Groups and Organizations, The Geheime Staatspolizei (Gestapo) & Sicherheitsdienst The Nizkor Project /www.nizkor.org/hweb/imt/nca/nca-02/nca-02-15-criminality-06-07.html>: '(2) The GESTAPO and the SD were primary agencies for the persecution of the churches. The fight against the churches was never brought out into the open by the GESTAPO and the SD as in the case of the persecution of the Jews. The struggle was designed to weaken the churches and to lay a foundation for the ultimate destruction of the confessional churches after the end of the war. (1815-PS) [. . . .] The notes on the speeches delivered at this conference indicate that the GESTAPO considered the church as an enemy to be attacked with determination and "true fanaticism."...' A particularly poignant example is seen in the life of Dietrich Bonhoeffer. However, the Nazis often used the church to justify their stance and included many Christian symbols in the Third Reich while in other cases, they replaced Christian symbols with those of the Third Reich. Johnson, Eric A. Nazi Terror: The Gestapo, Jews, and Ordinary Germans Basic Books, 2000. NY pp. 234-235

Several of the founders and subsequent leadership of the Nazi Party had been associates and very occasionally members of the Thule-Gesellschaft (the Thule Society), which romanticized the Aryan race through theology and ritual. The Thule Society had been an offshoot of the Germanenorden. The racist-occult notions of Ariosophy were not uncommon within these groups; Rudolf von Sebottendorf and a certain Wilde gave two lectures on occultism for the Thule Society. In general, however, its lectures and excursions were devoted to such subjects as Germanic antiquity and antisemitism, and historically it is more notable for the role it played as a paramilitary group fighting against the Bavarian Soviet Republic.

Dietrich Eckart, a remote associate of the Thule Society (he gave a reading there once from his plays, on 30 May 1919) coached Hitler on his public speaking skills, and Hitler later dedicated Mein Kampf to him. However, Hitler himself has not been shown to have been a member of the Thule Society or even to have attended its meetings. The DAP initially received support from the group, but the Thulists were quickly sidelined because Hitler favoured a mass movement and denigrated the occult-conspiratorial approach.

Heinrich Himmler, by contrast, showed a strong interest in such matters, although as Steigmann-Gall points out, Hitler and many of his key associates attended Christian services.

Himmler's activities at the Wewelsburgmarker, the Thule Society and several other remote connections of Nazism with the occult are commonly brought up in the modern mythology of Nazi occultism. This image of Nazism only vaguely corresponds to its historic reality.

One common scholarly viewsince the Second World War is that Martin Luther’s 1543 treatise, On the Jews and their Lies, exercised a major and persistent influence on Germany’s attitude toward its Jewish citizens in the centuries between the Reformation and the Holocaust. The National Socialists displayed On the Jews and their Lies during Nuremberg rallies, and the city of Nuremberg presented a first edition to Julius Streicher, editor of the Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer, the newspaper describing it as the most radically antisemitic tract ever published. Against this common view, theologian Johannes Wallmann writes that the treatise had no continuity of influence in Germany, and was in fact largely ignored during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

According to Daniel Goldhagen, Bishop Martin Sasse, a leading Protestant churchman, published a compendium of Martin Luther’s writings shortly after the Kristallnacht; Sasse applauded the burning of the synagogues and the coincidence of the day, writing in the introduction, “On November 10, 1938, on Luther’s birthday, the synagogues are burning in Germany.” The German people, he urged, ought to heed these words “of the greatest antisemite of his time, the warner of his people against the Jews.”Bernd Nellessen, “Die schweigende Kirche: Katholiken und Judenverfolgung,” in Büttner (ed), Die Deutchschen und die Jugendverfolg im Dritten Reich, p. 265, cited in Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners (Vintage, 1997). Diarmaid MacCulloch argued that On the Jews and Their Lies was a “blueprint” for the Kristallnacht.

There was a Persecution of Jehovah's Witnesses in Nazi Germany as well as of members of some other small Christian communities. Those groups were forced to wear a purple triangle in Nazi concentration camps.

Anti-capitalist rhetoric

Nazi publications and speeches included anti-capitalist (especially anti-finance capitalist) rhetoric.Hitler attacked what he called “pluto-democracy,” which he claimed to be a Jewish conspiracy to favor democratic parties in order to keep capitalism intact. The “corporation” was attacked by orthodox Nazis as being the leading instrument of finance capitalism, with the role of Jews emphasized. The National Socialist party described itself as socialist, and, at the time, conservative opponents such as the Industrial Employers Association described it as “totalitarian, terrorist, conspiratorial, and socialist.”

The Nazi Party’s 1920 “Twenty-Five Point Programme” demanded:

Nazi Party officials made several attempts in the 1920s to change some of the program or replace it entirely. In 1924, Gottfried Feder proposed a new 39-point program that kept some of the old planks, replaced others and added many completely new ones. Hitler did not mention any of the planks of the programme in his book, Mein Kampf, and he only mentioned it in passing as “the so-called programme of the movement”.

Hitler said in 1927, “We are socialists, we are enemies of today’s capitalistic economic system for the exploitation of the economically weak, with its unfair salaries, with its unseemly evaluation of a human being according to wealth and property instead of responsibility and performance.” However, In 1929, Hitler called socialism "an unfortunate word altogether" and said that "if people have something to eat and their pleasures, then they have their socialism". According to Henry A. Turner, Hitler expressed regret for having integrated the word socialism into his party's name.Hitler wrote in 1930, “Our adopted term 'Socialist' has nothing to do with Marxian Socialism. Marxism is anti-property; true Socialism is not.”

In a confidential 1931 interview, Hitler told the influential editor of a pro-business newspaper, “I want everyone to keep what he has earned subject to the principle that the good of the community takes priority over that of the individual. But the State should retain control; every owner should feel himself to be an agent of the State… The Third Reich will always retain the right to control property owners.” Party spokesman Joseph Goebbels claimed in 1932 that the Nazi Party was a “workers’ party” and “on the side of labor and against finance”. According to Friedrich Hayek, writing in 1944, “whatever may have been his reasons, Hitler thought it expedient to declare in one of his public speeches as late as February 1941 that ‘basically National Socialism and Marxism are the same.’ ”

Working class appeal

Hitler attempted to ensure that the Nazis were seen as a unique movement by discredting other nationalist and racialist political parties as being out of touch with the masses, especially lower-class youth, saying in 1922:

Many scholars have discredited the Nazis' appeal to the working-class as neither being effective nor true in intent, and say that the Nazis were largely a movement of the middle-class. Other scholars like Michael Burleigh have challenged this notion, claiming that there was a sizable number of working-class supporters of the Nazis. Burleigh also claims that the financial situation of middle-class supporters must be considered, in that the economic situation of hyperinflation of currency in the 1920s smashed the financial situation of middle-class and caused high unemployment of middle-class people who previously held white-collar jobs. Therefore, a larger percentage of declared middle-class support for the Nazis does not necessarily mean that a financially-stable middle-class supported the Nazis, but rather a financially-unstable middle-class. In the early 1930s amid high unemployment and poverty in Germany, the Nazis emphasized their socialist policies by providing shelter and food to unemployed or homeless recruits to the SA.

Ideological roots and variants

The ideological roots that became German National Socialism were based on numerous sources in European history, drawing especially from Romantic nineteenth century idealism, and from a biological reading of Friedrich Nietzsche’s thoughts on “breeding upwards” toward the goal of an Übermensch (“superhuman”). Hitler was an avid reader and received ideas that later influenced Nazism from traceable publications, such as those of the Germanenorden or the Thule society. He also adopted many populist ideas such as limiting profits, abolishing rents and generously increasing social benefits—but only for Germans.

The Nordic myth has been attributed to an inferiority complex. Phillip Wayne Powell claimed that the Nordic myth began to arise “in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, a powerful surge of German patriotism was stimulated by the disdain of Italians for German cultural inferiority and barbarism, which lead to a counterattempt by German humanists to laud German qualities.” M. W. Fodor claimed in The Nation in 1936, “No race has suffered so much from an inferiority complex as has the German. National Socialism was a kind of Coué method of converting the inferiority complex, at least temporarily, into a feeling of superiority”.

Nazism as a doctrine is far from homogeneous, and can be divided into at least two sub-ideologies. During the 1920s and 1930s, there were two dominant Nazi factions; the followers of Otto Strasser and the followers of Adolf Hitler. The Strasserite faction eventually fell afoul of Hitler, when Otto Strasser was expelled from the party in 1930, and his attempt to create an oppositional left-block in the form of the Black Front failed. The remainder of the faction, which was to be found mainly in the ranks of the SAmarker, was purged in the Night of the Long Knives, which included the murder of Gregor Strasser, Otto’s brother. Afterwards, the Hitlerite faction became dominant. In the post-World War II era, Strasserism has enjoyed something of a revival among many neo-Nazi groups.

Ideological competition

Nazism and communism emerged as two serious contenders for power in Germany after the First World War, particularly as the Weimar Republic became increasingly unstable. What became the Nazi movement arose out of resistance to the Bolshevik-inspired insurgencies that occurred in Germany in the aftermath of the First World War. The Russian Revolution of 1917 caused a great deal of excitement and interest in the Leninist version of Marxism and caused many socialists to adopt revolutionary principles. The Spartacist uprising in Berlin and the Bavarian Soviet Republic in 1919 were both manifestations of this. The Freikorps, a loosely organized paramilitary group (essentially a militia of former World War I soldiers) was used to crush both these uprisings and many leaders of the Freikorps, including Ernst Röhm, later became leaders in the Nazi Party. After Mussolini’s fascists took power in Italy in 1922, fascism presented itself as a realistic option for opposing communism, particularly given Mussolini’s success in crushing the communist and anarchist movements that had destabilized Italy with a wave of strikes and factory occupations after the First World War. Fascist parties formed in numerous European countries.

Many historians, such as Ian Kershaw and Joachim Fest, argue that Hitler’s Nazis were one of numerous nationalist and increasingly fascistic groups that existed in Germany and contended for leadership of the anti-communist movement and, eventually, of the German state. Further, they assert that fascism and its German variant, National Socialism, became the successful challengers to communism because they were able to both appeal to the establishment as a bulwark against Bolshevism and appeal to the working class base, particularly the growing underclass of unemployed and unemployable and growingly impoverished middle class elements who were becoming declassed (denounced as the lumpenproletariat). The Nazis’ use of pro-labor rhetoric appealed to those disaffected with capitalism by promoting the limiting of profits, the abolishing of rents and the increasing of social benefits (only for Germans) while simultaneously presenting a political and economic model that divested “Soviet socialism” of elements that were dangerous to capitalism, such as the concept of class struggle, “the dictatorship of the proletariat” or worker control of the means of production. Thus, Nazism’s populism, anti-communism and anti-capitalism helped it become more powerful and popular than traditional conservative parties, like the DNVP. For the above reasons, particularly the fact that Nazis and communists fought each other (often violently) during most of their existence, nazism and communism are commonly seen as opposite extremes on the political spectrum. Nevertheless, this view is not without its challengers. Several political theorists and economists, primarily those associated with the Austrian school, argue that Nazism, Soviet communism and other totalitarian ideologies share a common underpinning in socialism and collectivism.

The simplicity of Nazi rhetoric, campaigns, and ideology also made its conservative allies underestimate its strength, and its ability to govern or even to last as a political party. Michael Mann defined fascism as a “transcendent and cleansing nation statism through paramilitarism”, with “transcendent” meaning that the all classes were to be abolished in order for a new, organic and pure people: all classes are abolished by transition, all “others” (an estimated two-thirds of the German population alone).

Support of anti-communists for fascism and Nazism

During the late 1930s and the 1940s, the Nazis were supported by the Falange movement in Spainmarker, and by political and military figures who formed the government of Vichy France. The Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism, known to the Germans as Infantry Regiment 638, was a unit comprised of right-wing Frenchmen and prisoners of war.

Additionally, some political elements inside Britain, including the Cliveden set, Lord Halifax, and many close to Neville Chamberlain, had ideological sympathies for the Nazis, viewing them as a necessary bulwark against the spread of Bolshevism in Europe.

Nazi economic policy

Nazi economic practice concerned itself with immediate domestic issues and separately with ideological conceptions of international economics. Domestic economic policy was narrowly concerned with four major goals to eliminate Germany’s issues, elimination of unemployment, rapid and substantial rearmament, protection against the resurgence of hyper-inflation, and expansion of production of consumer goods to improve middle and lower-class living standards. All of these policy goals were intended to address the perceived shortcomings of the Weimar Republic and to solidify domestic support for the party. In this, the party was successful. Between 1933 and 1936 the German Gross National Product (GNP) increased by an average annual rate of 9.5%, and the rate for industry alone rose by 17.2%.

This expansion propelled the German economy out of a deep depression and into full employment in less than four years. Public consumption during the same period increased by 18.7%, while private consumption increased by 3.6% annually. According to the historian Richard Evans, prior to the outbreak of war the German “economy had recovered from the Depression faster than its counterparts in other countries. Germany’s foreign debt had been stabilized, interest rates had fallen to half their 1932 level, the stock exchange had recovered from the Depression, the gross national product had risen by 81 per cent over the same period…. Inflation and unemployment had been conquered.”

German marriages increased from about 511,000 in 1932 to 611,000 in 1936, while births rose from 921,000 births in 1932 to 1,280,000 in 1936. Suicides committed by young people under 20 dropped by 80% between 1933 and 1939.

Internationally, the Nazi Party believed that an international banking cabal was behind the global depression of the 1930s. Control of this cabal, which had grown to a position where it controlled both Europe and the United States, was identified with an elite and powerful group of Jews. Nevertheless, a number of people believed that this was part of an ongoing plot by the Jewish people, as a whole, to achieve global domination. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which began its circulation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, were said to have confirmed this, already showing “evidence” that the Bolshevik takeover in Russia was in accordance with one of the protocols. Broadly speaking, the existence of large international banking or merchant banking organizations was well known at this time. Many of these banking organizations were able to exert influence upon nation states by extension or withholding of credit. This influence is not limited to the small states that preceded the creation of the German Empiremarker as a nation state in the 1870s, but is noted in most major histories of all European powers from the sixteenth century onward. Nevertheless, after the Great Depression, this libelous and unverified manuscript took on an important role in Nazi Germany, thus providing another link in the Nazis ideological motivation for the destruction of that group in the Holocaust.

The Nazis viewed private property rights as conditional upon the mode of use. If the property was not being used to further Nazi goals, it could be nationalized. Government takeovers and threats of takeovers were used to encourage complance with government production plans, even if following these plans cost profits for companies. For example, the owner of the Junkers factory refused to follow the government’s directives, whereupon the Nazis took over the plant, placed the owner Hugo Junkers under house arrest, then compensated him for his loss. While the Nazis transferred public ownership and services in the private spector, they increased state control, regulation, and inference in economic affairs. Under the Nazis, free competition and regulation by the market greatly decreased. Nevertheless, Hitler's social Darwinist beliefs made him reluctant to disregard competition and private property. Privately, Hitler stated in 1942, “I absolutely insist on protecting private property… we must encourage private initiative”.

Central planning of agriculture was a prominent feature. In order to tie farmers to the land, the selling of agricultural land was prohibited. Farm ownership was nominally private, but ownership in the sense of having discretion over operations and claims on residual income were taken away. This was achieved by granting monopoly rights to marketing boards to control production and prices through a quota system. Quotas were also set for industrial goods, including pig iron, steel, aluminum, magnesium, gunpowder, explosives, synthetic rubber, all kinds of fuel, and electricity. A compulsory cartel law was enacted in 1936 which allowed the Minister of Economics to make existing cartels compulsory and permanent and to force industries to form cartels where none existed, though these were eventually decreed out of existence by 1943 with the objective being to replace them with more authoritarian bodies.

In place of ordinary profit incentive to guide the economy, investment was guided through regulation to accord to the needs of the State. The profit incentive for business owners was retained, though greatly modified through various profit-fixing schemes: “Fixing of profits, not their suppression, was the official policy of the Nazi party.” However the function of profit in automatically guiding allocation of investment and unconsciously directing the course of the economy was replaced with economic planning by Nazi government agencies. Government financing eventually came to dominate the investment process, which the proportion of private securities issued falling from over half of the total in 1933 and 1934 to approximately 10 percent in 1935–1938. Heavy taxes on business profits limited self-financing of firms. The largest firms were mostly exempt from taxes on profits, however government control of these were extensive enough to leave “only the shell of private ownership.”

Taxes and subsidies were also used in order to direct the economy. Underlying economic policy was the use of terror as an incentive to agree and comply. Nazi language indicated death or concentration camp for any business owner who pursued his own self interest instead of the ends of the State.

It is often regarded that businesses were private property in name but not in substance. Chritoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner dissent, saying that despite controls by the state firms still had significant freedom in planning their own production and investment activities, though they admit that the economy was state directed.

Many companies dealt with the Third Reich: Volkswagen was created by the German state and was heavily supported by the Nazis; Opel employed Jewish slave labour to run their industrial plants; Daimler-Benz used prisoners of war as slaves to run their industrial plants; Krupp made gas chambers; Bayer worked with the Nazis as a small part of the enormous IG Farben chemistry monopoly; and Hugo Boss designed the SS uniforms (and admitted to this in 1997). There has been some disagreement about whether IBM had dealt with the Nazis to create a cataloguing system, the Hollerith punch-card machines, which the Nazis used to file information on those who they killed. Some companies that dealt with the Third Reich claim to have not known the truth of what the Nazis were doing, and some foreign companies claimed to have lost control of their German branches when Hitler was in power.

Nazism in popular culture

The term Nazi has become a generic term of abuse in popular culture, as have other Third Reich terms such as Führer (often spelled differently in English-speaking countries). Related terms (such as fascist or Gestapomarker or Hitler) are sometimes used to describe any people or behaviours that are viewed as thuggish, authoritarian, or extremist. Phrases such as grammar Nazi, feminazi, and parking enforcement Nazi, are sometimes used in the United States, Europe and Latin America. These uses are offensive to some, as indicated by the controversy in the mainstream media over the SeinfeldSoup Nazi” episode. These types of terms are used frequently enough to inspire Godwin's Law.

Some people strongly associate the blackletter typefaces (e.g. Fraktur or Schwabacher) with Nazi propaganda (although the typeface is much older, and its usage was banned by the Nazi German government in 1941).In films such as the Indiana Jones series, Nazis are often portrayed as villains, whom the heroes battle without mercy. Video game website IGN declared Nazis to be the most memorable video game villains ever.

See also



References

Bibliography

  • Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (1985). The Occult Roots of Nazism: Secret Aryan Cults and Their Influence on Nazi Ideology: The Ariosophists of Austria and Germany, 1890–1935. Wellingborough, England: The Aquarian Press. ISBN 0-85030-402-4. (Several reprints. Expanded with a new Preface, 2004, I.B. Tauris & Co. ISBN 1-86064-973-4.)
  • ——— (2002). Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity. New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-3124-4. (Paperback, 2003. ISBN 0-8147-3155-4.)
  • Victor Klemperer (1947). LTI - Lingua Tertii Imperii.
  • David Redles (2005). Hitler’s Millennial Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation. New York: University Press. ISBN 0-8147-7524-1.
  • Wolfgang Sauer “National Socialism: Totalitarianism or Fascism?” pages 404–424 from The American Historical Review, Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967
  • Richard Steigmann-Gall (2003). The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.


Notes

  1. National Socialism Encyclopædia Britannica.
  2. National Socialism Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2007. Archived 2009-11-01.
  3. Walter John Raymond. Dictionary of Politics. (1992). ISBN 155618008X p. 327.
  4. National Socialism The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. 2001-07.
  5. Fritzsche, Peter. 1998. Germans into Nazis. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
  6. Kele, Max H. (1972). Nazis and Workers: National Socialist Appeals to German Labor, 1919–1933. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.
  7. Payne, Stanley G. 1995. A History of Fascism, 1914–45. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.
  8. Eatwell, Roger. 1996. “On Defining the ‘Fascist Minimum,’ the Centrality of Ideology”, Journal of Political Ideologies 1(3):303–19; and Eatwell, Roger. 1997. Fascism: A History. New York: Allen Lane.
  9. Fritzsche, Peter. 1998. Germans into Nazis. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; Eatwell, Roger, Fascism, A History, Viking/Penguin, 1996, pp.xvii-xxiv, 21, 26–31, 114–140, 352. Griffin, Roger. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560-1991, Routledge, London.
  10. Davies, Peter; Dereck Lynch (2003). Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, p.103. ISBN 0415214955.
  11. Hayek, Friedrich (1944). The Road to Serfdom. Routledge. ISBN 0415253896.
  12. Hoover, Calvin B. (March 1935). “The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World”, The American Economic Review, Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association, pp. 13–20.
  13. Morgan, Philip (2003). Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945. Routledge, p. 168. ISBN 0415169429.
  14. The Nazi Economic Recovery, 1932-1938 R. J. Overy, Economic History Society.
  15. Francis R. Nicosia. Business and Industry in Nazi Germany, Berghan Books, p. 43.
  16. The German name of the Nazi Party ("National-Socialist German Workers’ Party") is the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, pronounced (Arbeiter "worker").
  17. The term Sozi (/zoːtsi/) is short for the German word Sozialdemokrat (pronounced /zo'tsjaːldemoˌkraːt/), meaning social democrat.
  18. “Lexicon: Dolchstosslegende” (definition), www.icons-multimedia.com, 2005, webpage: DolchSL.
  19. “Florida Holocaust Museum - Antisemitism - Post World War 1” (history), www.flholocaustmuseum.org, 2003, webpage: Post-WWI Antisemitism.
  20. “THHP Short Essay: Who was the Final Solution” Holocaust-History.org, July 2004, webpage: HoloHist-Final: notes that Hermann Göering used the term in his order of July 31, 1941 to Reinhard Heydrich of Reich Main Security.
  21. “Nazi Party” (overview), Encyclopædia Britannica, 2006, Britannica.com webpage: Britannica-NaziParty.
  22. “February 24, 1920: Nazi Party Established” (history), Yad Vashem, The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes’ Remembrance Authority, 2004, webpage: YV-Party.
  23. “Australian Memories of the Holocaust” (history), Glossary, definition of Nazi (party), N.S.W. Board of Jewish Education, New South Wales, Australia, webpage: HolocaustComAu-Glossary.
  24. “Hitler Youth” (history), The History Place, 1999, webpage: HPlace-HitlerYouth.
  25. Kriegsverbrechen der alliierten Siegermächte (“War Crimes of Allied Powers”), Pit Pietersen, ISBN 3-8334-5045-2, 2006, page 151, webpage: GoogleBooks-Pietersen: describes Hitler as “Propagandachef” and becoming chairman on July 29, 1921.
  26. Ian Kershaw, Hitler: A Profile in Power, (London, 1991, rev. 2001), first chapter.
  27. Ian Kershaw, Hitler: A Profile in Power, first chapter “The power of the idea” (London, 1991, rev. 2001).
  28. Ian Kershaw, 1991, chapter I.
  29. Ernst Nolte, Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche, München 1963, ISBN 3-492-02448-3.
  30. Laqueuer, 1996 p. 223; Eatwell, 1996, p. 39; Griffin, 1991, 2000, pp. 185-201; Weber, [1964] 1982, p. 8; Payne (1995), Fritzsche (1990), Laclau (1977), and Reich (1970).
  31. Enzo Collotti, Race Law in Italy, in: Christoph Dipper et al., Faschismus und Faschismen im Vergleich, Vierow 1998. ISBN 3-89498-045-1.
  32. cf. Roger Griffin, The Blackwell Dictionary of Social Thought, in Griffin, International Fascism, 35f., and Anthony Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism, London 2004, p. 218, and Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914–1945, University of Wisconsin Press 1995, p. 14.
  33. called “transnational” Michael Mann, see references.
  34. “BBC - History - Hitler and 'Lebensraum' in the East” (history), www.bbc.co.uk, 2004, webpage: Lebensraum.
  35. Goebbels, Joseph; Mjölnir (1932). Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler. Etwas zum Nachdenken. Munich: Franz Eher Nachfolger. English translation: Those Damned Nazis.
  36. Bealey, Frank; et al. (1999). Elements of Political Science. Edinburgh University Press, p. 202.
  37. Joachim C. Fest. Hitler, Harvest Books, Book 5 Chapter 3
  38. . Homosexual behavior had been illegal in Germany since the adoption of Paragraph 175 of the German Criminal Code in 1871, but enforcement was capricious, even under the early years of the Nazi regime.
  39. William L. Shirer, in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (Touchstone Edition) (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), p. 214, quotes Field Marshal Walther von Brauchitsch that “rearmament was too serious and difficult a business to permit the participation of peculators, drunkards and homosexuals.”
  40. Shirer, Rise and Fall, pp. 224–225. For Shirer’s overall discussion of “The Blood Purge of June 30, 1934,” including the trumped-up allegations of a planned coup d'êtat by Roehm and the simultaneous negative shift in Nazi policy toward homosexuals, see Shirer’s pp. 213–226.
  41. The Holocaust Chronicle, Publications International Ltd., p. 108.
  42. Plant, Richard, The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals, Owl Books, 1988, ISBN 0-8050-0600-1.
  43. Steigmann-Gall 2003.
  44. Goodrick-Clarke 1985: 149 and 2003: 114.
  45. According to the diary of Johannes Hering; Goodrick-Clarke (2002), Black Sun, pp. 116-7.
  46. Goodrick-Clarke (2002), pp. 114, 117.
  47. Goodrick-Clarke 2002: 117.
  48. Goodrick-Clarke (1985), pp. 150–51.
  49. Scholarship for Martin Luther’s 1543 treatise, On the Jews and their Lies, exercising influence on Germany’s attitude: *Wallmann, Johannes. “The Reception of Luther’s Writings on the Jews from the Reformation to the End of the 19th Century”, Lutheran Quarterly, n.s. 1 (Spring 1987) 1:72–97. Wallmann writes: “The assertion that Luther’s expressions of anti-Jewish sentiment have been of major and persistent influence in the centuries after the Reformation, and that there exists a continuity between Protestant anti-Judaism and modern racially oriented anti-Semitism, is at present wide-spread in the literature; since the Second World War it has understandably become the prevailing opinion.” *Michael, Robert. Holy Hatred: Christianity, Antisemitism, and the Holocaust. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006; see chapter 4 “The Germanies from Luther to Hitler,” pp. 105–151. *Hillerbrand, Hans J. “Martin Luther,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2007. Hillerbrand writes: “[H]is strident pronouncements against the Jews, especially toward the end of his life, have raised the question of whether Luther significantly encouraged the development of German anti-Semitism. Although many scholars have taken this view, this perspective puts far too much emphasis on Luther and not enough on the larger peculiarities of German history.”
  50. Ellis, Marc H. “Hitler and the Holocaust, Christian Anti-Semitism”, Baylor University Center for American and Jewish Studies, Spring 2004, slide 14. Also see Nuremberg Trial Proceedings, Vol. 12, p. 318, Avalon Project, Yale Law School, April 19, 1946.
  51. Wallmann, Johannes. “The Reception of Luther’s Writings on the Jews from the Reformation to the End of the 19th Century”, Lutheran Quarterly, n.s. 1, Spring 1987, 1:72-97.
  52. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe's House Divided, 1490–1700. New York: Penguin Books Ltd, 2004, pp. 666–667.
  53. Frank Bealey & others. Elements of Political Science (Edinburgh University Press, 1999), 202.
  54. Henry A. Turner, “German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler”, Oxford University Press, 1985. p. 62.
  55. Turner, Henry A. (1985). German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler, Oxford University Press, p. 77. ISBN 0195034929.
  56. Hitler’s speech on May 1, 1927. Cited in:
  57. Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", Oxford University Press, 1985. p. 77.
  58. Carsten, Francis Ludwig (1982).The Rise of Fascism, 2nd ed. University of California Press, p.137. Quoting: Hitler, A., Sunday Express, September 28, 1930.
  59. Calic, Edouard (1968). Ohne Maske. Frankfurter Societäts-Druckerei, pp.11, 32–33. Translated by R.H. Barry as Unmasked. Two Confidential Interviews with Hitler in 1931., London: Chatto & Windus, 1971. ISBN 0701116420. Hitler’s confidential 1931 interviews were with Richard Breiting, editor of the Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten. Cited in: Bel, Germà (2006). Against The Mainstream: Nazi Privatization In 1930s Germany, Research Institute of Applied Economics 2006 Working Papers 2006/7, p. 14. Also cited in Richard Pipes, Property and Freedom, 1998, p.416; which is cited in Richard Allen Epstein, Principles for a Free Society, De Capo Press, p. 168. ISBN 0738208299.
  60. Hayek, Friedrich (1944). The Road to Serfdom. Routledge, p. 31. ISBN 0415253896.
  61. Burleigh, 2000. p. 77.
  62. Hannah Arendt, Elemente der Ursprünge totalitärer Herrschaft = The Origins of Totalitarianism, New York 1952, Bern 1955.
  63. Michael Mann, Fascists, CUP 2004, p. 13.
  64. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, 1966, p. 619.
  65. Evans, The Third Reich in Power, 1933–1939, Penguin Press, 2005, p. 409).
  66. John Lukacs, Washington Post’s Book World, January 29, 2006; p. BW12).
  67. Guillebaud, Claude W. 1939. The Economic Recovery of Germany 1933-1938. London: MacMillan and Co. Limited.
  68. Barkai, Avaraham 1990. Nazi Economics. Ideology, Theory and Policy. Oxford Berg Publisher.
  69. Hayes, Peter. 1987 Industry and Ideology IG Farben in the Nazi Era. Cambridge University Press.
  70. Probing IBM’s Nazi connection.
  71. NAZI and Fraktur.


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