Neo-Stalinism is a political term referring to
attempts at rehabilitating the role of
Joseph Stalin in history and re-establishing
the political course of Stalin, at least partially. The term is
also used to designate the modern political regimes in some states,
political and social life of which bears many similarities to
Stalin's regime. The term "neo-stalinism" is widely used by many
pundits, politicians, and researchers.
Definitions
There are two definitions of the term.
History of the term
The American
Trotskyist Hal Draper used "neo-Stalinism" in 1948 to refer
to a new political ideology new development in Soviet policy, which
he defined as a reactionary trend whose beginning was associated
with the
Popular Front period of the
mid-1930s, writing that "The ideologists of neo-Stalinism are
merely the tendrils shot ahead by the phenomena – fascism and
Stalinism – which outline the social and political form of a
neo-barbarism”
Frederick Copleston,
S.J. portrays neo-Stalinism as a "
Slavophile emphasis on Russia and her history":
"what is called neo-Stalinism is not exclusively an expression of a
desire to control, dominate, repress and dragoon; it is also the
expression of a desire that Russia, while making use of western
science and technology, should avoid contamination by western
'degenerate' attitudes and pursue her own path."
Political geographer Denis J.B.
Shaw considers the Soviet Union as neo-Stalinist until the
post-1985 period of transition to capitalism. He identified
neo-Stalinism as a political system with
planned economy and highly developed
military-industrial
complex
During the 1960s, the CIA distinguished between Stalinism and
neo-Stalinism in that "The Soviet leaders have not reverted to two
extremes of Stalin's rule one-man dictatorship and mass terror. For
this reason, their policy deserves the label 'neo-Stalinist' rather
than -Stalinist."
Katerina Clark, describing an anti-Khrushchevite, pro-Stalin
current in Soviet literary world during the 1960s, described the
work of "neo-Stalinist" writers as harking back to "the Stalin era
and its leaders... as a time of unity, strong rule and national
honor."
As regards Stalinism and anti-Stalinism
In his monograph
Reconsidering Stalinism historian Henry
Reichman discusses differing and evolving perspectives on the use
of the term "Stalinism": "in scholarly usage 'Stalinism' describes
here a movement, there an economic, political, or social system,
elsewhere a type of political practice or belief-system...." He
references historian Stephen Cohen's work reassessing Soviet
history after Stalin as a "continuing tension between
anti-Stalinist reformism and neo-Stalinist conservatism," observing
that such a characterization requires a "coherent" definition of
Stalinism whose essential features Cohen leaves undefined.
Alleged neo-Stalinist countries
Some socialist groups describe modern China as
"neo-Stalinist."
21st-century North Korea
has been described by Western sources as a
"neo-Stalinist state", although it has completely replaced Marxism-Leninism with Juche since first adopting it as the official ideology
in the 1970s, with references to Marxism-Leninism altogether
scrapped from the revised state constitution in 1992.
By the end
of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, Turkmenistan
’s Saparmurat
Niyazov regime was sometimes considered a neo-Stalinist one
(esp. regarding his grotesque cult
of personality). Islam Karimov's
non-communist authoritarian regime in Uzbekistan
has also been widely described as
"neo-Stalinist."
Soviet Union
In
February 1956, Soviet
leader
Nikita Khrushchev denounced the
cult of personality that
surrounded his predecessor, Joseph Stalin, and condemned crimes
committed during the Great Purge.
In 1956 Khrushchev gave a four-hour speech condemning the Stalin
regime, however it was criticized for fabricating information and
exaggerating claims hugely. Historian Robert V. Daniels holds that
"neo-Stalinism prevailed politically for more than a quarter of a
century after Stalin himself left the scene," Following the
Trotskyist comprehension of Stalin's policies as a deviation from
the path of Marxism-Leninism,
George
Novack described Khrushchev's politics as guided by a
"neo-Stalinist line," its principle being that "the socialist
forces can conquer all opposition even in the imperialist centers,
not by the example of internal class power, but by the external
power of Soviet example," explaining that
"Khrushchev’s innovations at the Twentieth
Congress.
.
. made official doctrine of Stalin’s revisionist
practices [as] the new program discards the Leninist conception of
imperialism and its corresponding revolutionary class struggle
policies."
American broadcasts into Europe during the late 1950s described a
political struggle between the "old Stalinists" and "the
neo-Stalinist Khrushchev."
In October 1964, Khrushchev was replaced by
Leonid Brezhnev, who remained in office
until his death in November 1982. During his reign, Stalin's
controversies were de-emphasised. Andres Laiapea connects this with
"the exile of many
dissidents, most
notably
Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn," though whereas Laiapea writes that "[t]he
rehabilitation of Stalin went hand in hand with the establishment
of a personality cult around Brezhnev," the
political sociologist Victor Zaslavsky
characterizes Brezhnev's period as one of "neo-Stalinist
compromise," as the essentials of the political atmosphere
associated with Stalin were retained without a personality cult.
According to
Alexander Dubček,
"The advent of Brezhnev’s regime heralded the advent of
neo-Stalinism, and the measures taken against Czechoslovakia in
1968 were the final consolidation of the neo-Stalinist forces in
the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary, and other countries." Brezhnev
described the Chinese political line as "neo-Stalinist." American
political scientist Seweryn Bialer has described Soviet policy as
turning towards neo-Stalinism after Brezhnev's death.
Mikhail Gorbachev took over in
March 1985. He introduced the policy of
glasnost in public discussions – in order to
liberalize the Soviet system. The
full scale of Stalinist repressions was soon revealed, and the
Soviet Union fell apart. Still, Gorbachev admitted in 2000 that
"Even now in Russia we have the same problem. It isn't so easy to
give up the inheritance we received from Stalinism and
Neo-Stalinism, when people were turned into cogs in the wheel, and
those in power made all the decisions for them." Gorbachev's
domestic policies have been described as neo-Stalinist by some
Western sources.
Post-Soviet Russia
Troubles of cultural development in 1990s
The post-Soviet cultural development was characterized with a deep
socially cultural crisis.
According to Russian Doctors of History Barsenkov and Vdovin,
Public views
As of 2008, nearly half of Russians view Stalin positively, and
many support restoration of his monuments dismantled in the
past.
According to the Levada polling centre, Stalin's popularity marks
have tripled among Russians in the last twenty years, and the trend
had accelerated since Vladimir Putin has come to power.
According
to Andrew Osborn, statues of Stalin
"have begun to reappear" and a museum in his honor has been opened
in Volgograd
(former Stalingrad). Steve Gutterman from the
AP quoted
Vladimir Lavrov, deputy director of
Moscow's Institute of
Russian History, as saying that about 10 Stalin statues have
been restored or erected in Russia in recent years.
In September 2009,
Prime
Minister Vladimir Putin gave a
speech in Poland in which he stated that Russia's "destiny was
crippled by the totalitarian regime", referring to the Stalinist
era.
In November 2009,
President
Dmitry Medvedev expressed the
following view of the Soviet Union in an annual Address:
School education
In June 2007, Russian President
Vladimir
Putin organized a conference for history teachers to promote a
high-school teachers manual called
A Modern History of Russia:
1945-2006: A Manual for History Teachers, which according to
Irina Flige, office director of human
rights organization Memorial, portrays Stalin as a cruel but
successful leader who "acted rationally", no matter that he
executed millions of Soviet citizens. She claims it justifies his
terror as an "instrument of development." Putin said at the
conference that the new manual will "help instill young people with
a sense of pride in Russia", and he argued that Stalin's purges
pale in comparison to the United States'
atomic bombings of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
At a memorial for Stalin's victims, Putin said that while Russians
should "keep alive the memory of tragedies of the past, we should
focus on all that is best in the country."
The official policy of the Russian Federation is that teachers and
schools are free to choose history textbooks from the list of the
admitted ones, which includes a total of 48 history text-books for
grade school and 24 history textbooks by various authors for high
school .
In September 2009, the Education ministry of Russia announced that
Alexander Solzhenitsyn's
"
The Gulag
Archipelago", a book once banned in the Soviet Union for
the detailed account on the system of prison camps GULAG became the
required reading for Russian high-school students. Prior to that,
Russian students studied Solzhenitsyn's short story "Matryonin
dvor" and the famous novella
One Day of Ivan Denisovich, a
detailed account of a single day in the life of a GULAG
prisoner.
History studies
In 2009, it was reported that the Kremlin was drawing up plans to
criminalize statements and acts that deny the Soviet Union's
victory over
fascism in
World War II or that it
liberated Europe. In May 2009,
President Dmitry Medvedev described the Soviet Union during the war
as "our country" and set up the
Historical Truth Commission to
act against what the Kremlin terms falsifications of Russian
history.
On 3 July
2009, Russia's delegation at the OSCE’s annual
parliamentary meeting stormed out after a resolution was passed
equating the roles of Nazi Germany and
the Soviet Union in starting World War II, drafted by a delegate
from the host nation and former Soviet republic Lithuania
. The resolution called for a day of
remembrance for victims of both Stalinism and
Nazism to be marked every August 23, the date in 1939
when Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed the
Molotov-Ribbentrop pact of
neutrality with a secret protocol that divided parts of
Central and
Eastern
Europe between their spheres of influence.
Konstantin Kosachyov, head of
the foreign relations committee of Russia's
lower house of parliament called the resolution
"nothing but an attempt to re-write the history of World War Two".
Alexander Kozlovsky, the head of
the Russian delegation, called the resolution an "insulting
anti-Russian attack" and added that "Those who place Nazism and
Stalinism on the same level forget that it is the Stalin-era Soviet
Union that made the biggest sacrifices and the biggest contribution
to liberating Europe from
fascism." Only
eight out of 385 assembly members voted against the
resolution.
Svolochi movie controversy
The 2006 war movie
Svolochi, shot by
director Atanesyan, raised controversy, with some deeming it
"state-supported anti-Soviet propaganda". The plot for the movie,
written by Kunin, involved a story of teenagers with a criminal
background who were caught by the
NKVD during
the
Great Patriotic war, then
trained as
saboteurs in special schools
and thrown to the German rearward to face the certain death.
After the
movie was shown in Russia, the Federal Security Service responded
with a press-release, stating that archives of security services of
Russia and Kazakhstan
do not have any documents confirming the existence
of "kid saboteur schools", and that there are no archive documents
about missions to send saboteur groups consisting of teenagers to
adversary's rearward. Although they did state that there are
archive documents evidencing the use of kids in saboteur purposes
by special services of
Nazi
Germany.
While the advertising campaign of the movie claimed it was based on
real accounts, after the controversy arose both the writer and the
director confessed the plot was mere fiction.
While the movie won the MTV award for 2007, famous director
Vladimir Menshov refused to hand
over the award:
Dmitry Puchkov commented on the film
making:
Puchkov also commented on the information that Russian school
students had to watch this movie obligatorily: "Have our children
to know the history of the country? Well, now they know it: if
anything happens, they would be caught and sent to face certain
death."
Memorial raid controversy
- See also the main entry
On 4 December 2008, the St Petersburg offices of the
Memorial Society were raided by the police.
The entire electronic archive of Memorial in St Petersburg,
including the materials collected with British historian
Orlando Figes for his book
The Whisperers:
Private Life in Stalin's Russia, was confiscated by the
police. Figes condemned the police raid, accusing the Russian
authorities of trying to rehabilitate the Stalinist regime. A
spokesman for the Russian prosecutor general's investigative unit
said that the raid was part of an investigation into an article
that incited
racial hatred published
in the Novy Peterburg newspaper in June 2007. Figes organised an
open protest letter to Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev and other Russian leaders
which was signed by several hundred leading academics from across
the world. On 2 March 2009, the contract to publish
The
Whisperers in Russia was cancelled due, according to the
publisher, to financial reasons. Figes suspects that the decision
was political.
On March 20, 2009 the court of Dzerzhinsky District decided that
the search in December 4, 2008 in Memorial with confiscation of 12
hard-drives with information about victims of political repressions
was carried out with procedural violations, and actions of law
enforcement bodies were illegal.
On May 6, 2009, twelve hard drives (the same number that were
previously confiscated), as well as optical discs and some
documents, were returned to Memorial.
Kurskaya station controversy
At the end
of August a gilted slogan, a fragment of Stalin-era Soviet national
anthem was re-inscribed at Moscow
's Kurskaya station, beneath eight socialist realist statues which reads:
"Stalin reared us on loyalty to the people. He inspired us
to labour and heroism." The slogan had been removed in the 1950s
during
Kruschev's period of
De-Stalinization. Another restored slogan
reads "For the Motherland! For Stalin!"
Restoring the slogans was ordered by the head of the Moscow
underground Dmitry Gayev. He explained his decision with
restoring the historic view of the station: "My attitude towards
this story is simple: this inscription was at the station Kurskaya
since its foundation, and it will stay there."
The chairman of a human rights group
Memorial Arseny Roginsky stated that "This is the
fruit of creeping re-Stalinization and ... they (the authorities)
want to use his name as a symbol of a powerful authoritarian state
which the whole world is afraid of." Other human rights
organizations, and survivors of Stalin's repressions have called
for the decorations to be removed in the letter to the Mayor of
Moscow
Yury Luzhkov.
Mikhail Shvydkoy, the special
representative of the President of Russia for the international
cultural exchange, the former Russia's
Minister of Culture responded to the
controversy:
Shvydkoy commented, that what Stalin did in respect of the Soviet
and in particular Russian people can't be justified and he doesn't
even deserve a neutral attitude, much less praise. But he said
"it's necessary to remember your own butchers", and without that
memory they can "grow among us again". Shvydkoy said that the
question is that the society must remember that "Stalin is a
tyrant". While the inscription in the Metro should merely be read
correctly, "read with the certain attitude to Stalin's
personality."
Shvydkoy also commented that if the hall of the station "Kurskaya"
is a monument of architecture and culture, the inscription must be
left, because "to knock down inscriptions is vandalism."
Opinions
Scholar Dmitry Furman, director of the Commonwealth of Independent
States Research Center at the Russian Academy's of Sciences
Institute of Europe, sees Russia's regime's neo-Stalinism as a
"non-ideological Stalinism" that "seeks control for the sake of
control, not for the sake of world revolution."
In 2005, Communist politician
Gennady
Zyuganov said that Russia "should once again render honor to
Stalin for his role in building socialism and saving human
civilization from the Nazi plague."
In 2008,
Dmitry Puchkov accused the
authorities of raising a wave of anti-Stalin propaganda to distract
the attention of the population from topical troubles. In a
December 2008 interview he was asked a question: "Dmitry Yurievich,
what do you think, is the new wave of 'unveiling the horrors of
Stalinism' on the TV related to the approaching consequences of the
crisis or is it merely another [mental] exacerbation?" He replied:
"The wave is being raised to distract opinion of the population
from the up-to-date troubles. You don't have to think of your
pension, you don't have to think of the education, what matters are
the horrors of Stalinism."
A Russian writer
Sergey Kara-Murza
believes that the trend to satanize Russia is common not only in
Poland, Ukraine, Czech Republic, but in Russia as well. He explains
that it's a good business now, like it was a good business
previously to satanize the Soviet Union:
See also
References
- Ferdinand Joseph Maria Feldbrugge, "Samizdat and political
dissent in the Soviet Union", Brill, 1975, pg. 30, [1]
- Outrage at revision of Stalin's legacy
- For example, Katerine Clark defines Neo-Stalinism as praising
"the Stalin era and its leaders... as a time of unity, strong rule
and national honor", see The Soviet Novel: History as
Ritual, By Katerina Clark, Indiana University Press, 2000,
ISBN 0253337038, 9780253337030, page 236 [2].
- Draper, Hal. "Neo-Stalinism: Notes on a New
Political Ideology".
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Philosophy. Continuum International Publishing Group, 2003.
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"neo-Stalinism" the following criteria: *1. A well developed
core-periphery structure, reflecting marked differences in levels
of economic development and living standards. This is in part the
product of a tendency towards 'incrementalism' seeking to gain
economies by allocating a considerable proportion of resources to
those regions which have benefited most from previous investment...
*2. The inbuilt conservatism of the system and the bias towards
heavy industry [ensuring] the continuing importance of traditional
industrial regions with 'smokestack' industries, such as the
Donets-Dnepr region of eastern Ukraine and the Urals. *3.
'Extensive' (ie, resource-demanding) rather than 'intensive'
(resource-saving) development, leading to waste of resources and
environmental deterioration in the core, growing dependence of the
core on the resources of the periphery and pressure to develop the
latter in the cheapest and often most short-sighted manner. *4.
Administration of the economy by sectors and tendencies towards
'narrow departmentalism' [leading] to the development of a series
of ministerial 'empires', lacking intelinkages, reducing the scope
for scale economies, encouraging excessive transportation and
leading to the economic overspecialization of many cities and
regions, especially peripheral ones... *5. The relative neglect of
agriculture, transportation, consumer welfare and numerous
services... *6. A well developed hierarchy of well-being in the
settlement structure, whereby, in general terms, the best endowed
settlements were the biggest ones with major administrative and
political functions...conditions [deteriorating] as they became
smaller. *7. The development of regional economies...greatly
influenced by the 'military-industrial complex' with the progress
of individual cities, groups of cities and even entire regions
(including peripheral ones) very much bound up with the needs of
the military machine. *8. Continental and inward-looking
development induced by the longstanding tendency towards economic
autarky. Isolation from the world economy...Only from the 1960s
were autarkic tendencies modified, encouraging further economic
development along land frontiers, on coasts and at ports., see
Shaw, Denis J.B. Russia in the Modern World: A New
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9780631181347. Pp. 81-84.
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Understanding Korean Politics: An Introduction. SUNY
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Marxists Internet Archive. 2005.
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- "Khrushchev's Neo-Stalinism". Records of Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Institute (RFE/RL RI):
Box-Folder-Report 55-1-222. The Open Society. Retrieved 11
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ArticleArchies. Retrieved 9 August 2009.
- “The Glamorous Tyrant: The Cult of Stalin Experiences a
Rebirth,” by Mikhail Pozdnyaev, Novye Izvestia
- http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru/newstext/news/id/1208902.html.
- Re-Stalinization of Moscow subway sparks
debate, by WaPo, October 27, 2009
- Putin's speech in Poland Retrieved on September 12,
2009 (English translation)
- Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly of the
Russian Federation, November 2009 (English translation)
- Stalin's new status in Russia, By Richard Galpin,
BBC News, Moscow
- "Activists Denounce Stalin in Station" 28 August 2009 By
Kristina Mikulova Moscow Times
- Stalin Back in Vogue as Putin Endorses History-Book
Nostalgia by Henry Meyer, Bloomberg.com, 29 November 2007
- History textbooks, Russian Ministry of Education. (in
Russian)
- List of admitted school text-books, 2007 (in
Russian)
- 'Gulag' book, once banned, is now required
reading Associated Press Retrieved on September 10,
2009
- The Gulag Archipelago was included to the school
program, Izvestia, September 9th.
- Andrew Osborne, "Medvedev Creates History Commission", Wall
Street Journal, [4]
- http://www.themoscowtimes.com/article/1010/42/379276.htm
- Russia scolds OSCE for equating Hitler and
Stalin Retrieved on July 25, 2009
- About director Menschov at MTV ceremony, by
Dmitry
Puchkov (in Russian)
- In relation to the broadcast of the fiction movie
'Svolochi', FSB.Ru, February 2006 (in Russian)
- 'Svolochi' director confessed it's fiction, by
Komsomolskaya Pravda, February 2006 (in
Russian)
-
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/dec/07/russian-police-seize-archive-repression
-
http://www.indexoncensorship.org/2008/12/08/an-open-letter-to-president-medvedev
-
http://www.rferl.org/content/Trying_To_Bury_An_Inconvenient_History/1503708.html
- 'Memorial' reverted the searches, Kommersant,
March 21, 2008 (in Russian)
- HDDs will be returned to "Memorial" in presence of the
Ombudsman, Fontanka.Ru, March 27, 2009 (in Russian)
- Memorial Vindicated Again, by Sean Guillory,
March 31, 2009
- Memorial got back its confiscated HDDs,
Lenizdat.Ru, May 6, 2009 (in Russian)
- Memorial’s "Winchesters" Returned, by Sean
Guillory, May 7, 2009
- Human rights defenders called Luzhkov to remove
from the Metro the notes about Stalin, Kommersant, September 8, 2009.
- Andrew Osborn, "Josef Stalin 'returns' to Moscow metro",
Telegraph, 05 Sep 2009, [5]
- Zakharovich, Yuri. "Can the U.S.-Russian Alliance
Last?" TIME. 21 Dec. 2001.
- What Gulag? Russia's government shamefully refuses
to face up to the horrors of communism. by David Satter
- Short questions and answers, by Dmitry Puchkov.
External links
- Russian history in the classroom
- Stalin's Return Time Magazine, 1970
- The rehabilitation of Stalin – an ideological
cornerstone of the new Kremlin politics World Socialist Web Site,
2000
- Russian historians denounce re-Stalinization
Eurasia Daily Monitor,
2005
- Russia: Nostalgia For USSR Increases By Victor
Yasmann, RFE/RL, December 21, 2006
- Outrage at revision of Stalin's legacy, by
Andrew Osborn, February 21, 2006
- Russia: Gorbachev Speaks About Democracy,
Authoritarianism, RFE/RL, March 1,
2006
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