The
Oklahoma City bombing occurred on April 19,
1995 when American militia movement
sympathizer Timothy McVeigh, with
the assistance of Terry Nichols,
destroyed the Alfred P.
Murrah Federal Building
in downtown
Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma
. It
was the most significant act of terrorism on American soil until
the
September 11 attacks in
2001, claiming the lives of 168 victims and injuring more than 680.
The blast destroyed or damaged 324 buildings within a
sixteen–block radius, destroyed or burned 86 cars, and
shattered glass in 258 nearby buildings. The bomb was
estimated to have caused at least $652 million worth of
damage.
Motivated
by the federal government's handling of the Waco Siege
(1993) and the Ruby Ridge
incident (1992), McVeigh's attack was timed to
coincide with the second anniversary of the Waco Siege.
Within 90 minutes of the explosion McVeigh was stopped by
Oklahoma State Trooper
Charlie Hanger for driving without a
license plate, and arrested for unlawfully
carrying a weapon. Forensic evidence quickly linked McVeigh and
Nichols to the attack, and within days they were arrested and
charged;
Michael and Lori
Fortier were later identified as accomplices. Extensive rescue
efforts were undertaken by local, state, federal, and worldwide
agencies in the wake of the bombing, and substantial donations were
received from across the country. The
Federal Emergency Management
Agency (FEMA) activated eleven of its
Urban Search and Rescue
Task Forces, consisting of 665 rescue workers who assisted
in rescue and recovery operations.
The official investigation, known as "OKBOMB," was the largest
criminal investigation case in American history; FBI agents
conducted 28,000 interviews, amassing of evidence, and
collecting nearly one billion pieces of information. The
bombers were tried and convicted in 1997. McVeigh was
executed by
lethal injection on June 11, 2001, and
Nichols was sentenced to
life in
prison. Michael and Lori Fortier testified against McVeigh and
Nichols; Michael was sentenced to twelve years in prison for
failing to warn the U.S. government, and Lori received immunity
from prosecution in exchange for her testimony. As with other
large-scale terrorist attacks,
conspiracy theories dispute the official
claims and allege the involvement of additional perpetrators.
As a result of the bombing, the U.S. government passed
legislation designed
to prevent future terrorist attacks by increasing the protection
around federal buildings. From 1995 to 2005, over 60 domestic
terrorism plots were foiled due to preventive measures taken in
response to the bombing.
On April 19, 2000, the Oklahoma City
National Memorial
was dedicated on the site of the Murrah Federal
Building, commemorating the victims of the bombing. Annual
remembrance services are held at the time of the explosion.
Prelude
Planning
The chief
conspirators, Timothy McVeigh and
Terry Nichols, met in 1988 at Fort Benning
during basic
training for the U.S. Army.
Michael Fortier, McVeigh's
accomplice, was his Army roommate. The three shared interests in
survivalism and held anti-government
views including opposition to
gun
control.
They also expressed anger at the federal
government's handling of the 1992 Federal Bureau
of Investigation
(FBI) standoff with Randy
Weaver at Ruby
Ridge
as well as the Waco Siege
—a 1993 51-day standoff between the FBI and Branch Davidian members which ended with the
deaths of David Koresh and
75 others. In March 1993, McVeigh visited the Waco
site during the standoff, and then again after its conclusion.
McVeigh later decided to bomb a federal building as a response to
the raids.
In August 1994, McVeigh obtained nine
Kinestiks from gun dealer Roger E.
Moore, and
ignited the devices with Nichols outside Nichols' home in Herington
, Kansas
.
On
September 30, 1994, Nichols bought forty bags of ammonium nitrate from Mid-Kansas Coop in
McPherson
, Kansas
, an amount
regarded as unusual even for a farmer. Nichols bought an
additional bag on October 18. McVeigh approached Fortier and
asked him to assist with the bombing project, but he refused,
saying he would never be part of the plan "... unless there was a
U.N. tank in my front yard!" McVeigh
responded, "What if the tank was in your neighbor's yard? Wouldn't
you go to your neighbor's aid? What if it was in the yard of David
Koresh?" McVeigh was however unable to persuade Fortier to take
part in the bomb attack.
Target selection
McVeigh initially intended only to destroy a federal building, but
he later decided that his message would be better received if many
people were killed in the bombing.
McVeigh's criterion for potential attack
sites was that the target should house at least two of three
federal law-enforcement agencies: the Bureau of
Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), the Federal Bureau
of Investigation
(FBI), or the Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA). He regarded the presence of
additional law-enforcement agencies, such as the
Secret Service or the
U.S. Marshals Service, to be a
bonus.
McVeigh,
a resident of Kingman
, Arizona
, considered targets in Arkansas, Missouri, Arizona,
and Texas, which included a 40-story government building in
Little
Rock
, Arkansas
. Wanting to minimize nongovernmental
casualties, he ruled out the building in Little Rock because of the
presence of a florist's shop on the ground floor.
In
December 1994, McVeigh and Fortier visited Oklahoma City to
inspect their target: the Alfred
P.
Murrah Federal Building
. The nine-story building, built in 1977, was
named for a
federal judge and
housed fourteen federal agencies. The Murrah building was
chosen for its glass front—which was expected to shatter under the
impact of the blast—and its adjacent large, open parking lot across
the street, which might absorb and dissipate some of the force, and
protect the occupants of nearby non-federal buildings. In addition,
McVeigh believed that the open space around the building would
provide better photo opportunities for propaganda purposes.
The
attack was planned to take place on April 19, 1995, to
coincide with the anniversary of the Waco Siege and the 220th
anniversary of the Battles of Lexington and
Concord
.
Early preparations
McVeigh and Nichols purchased or stole the materials they needed to
manufacture the bomb, which they stored in rented sheds. They
allegedly robbed gun collector Roger E. Moore in his home of
$60,000 worth of guns, gold, silver, and jewels, transporting the
property in his own van. Doubts have been raised about Nichols and
McVeigh's involvement in the robbery, because despite McVeigh
previously visiting Moore's ranch, the robbers wore ski masks
(making a positive identification impossible) and the physical
description given did not match Nichols. Also,
Aryan Republican Army robbers were
operating in the area of Moore's ranch at the time. Moreover,
McVeigh did not need to raise money for the bomb, which only cost
about $5,000. In all, the truck rental cost about $250, the
fertilizer less than $500, and the
nitromethane $2,780, with a cheap car being
used as a getaway vehicle. McVeigh wrote a letter to Moore in which
he claimed that the robbery had been committed by government
agents. Items that were stolen from Moore were later found in
Nichols' home and a storage shed he had rented.
In October 1994, McVeigh showed Michael Fortier and his wife, Lori,
a diagram he had drawn indicating the layout of a bomb he wanted to
build. McVeigh planned to construct a bomb containing more than of
ammonium nitrate fertilizer, mixed with about of liquid
nitromethane and of Tovex. Including the weight of the sixteen
55-gallon drums in which the explosive mixture was packed, the bomb
had a combined weight of about . McVeigh had originally intended to
use
hydrazine rocket fuel, but it proved
to be too expensive. In October 1994, disguised as a
motorcycle racer, McVeigh was able to obtain three drums of
nitromethane on the pretense that he and some fellow bikers needed
the fuel for racing.
McVeigh rented a storage space, in which he
stockpiled seven crates of 18-inch-long Tovex
sausages, 80 spools of shock tube, and
500 electric blasting caps, which
he and Nichols had stolen from a Martin Marietta Aggregates quarry
in Marion
, Kansas
. He
decided not to steal any of the of
ANFO he
found at the scene, as he did not believe it to be powerful enough
(although he did obtain seventeen bags of ANFO from another
source for use in the bomb). McVeigh made a prototype bomb using a
plastic
Gatorade jug containing ammonium
nitrate
prills, liquid nitromethane, a piece
of Tovex sausage, and a blasting cap. The prototype was detonated
in the desert to avoid detection.
Later, speaking about the military mindset with which he went about
the preparations, he said, "You learn how to handle killing in the
military. I face the consequences, but you learn to accept it."
He
compared his actions to the atomic bombings of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, rather than the attack on
Pearl Harbor
, reasoning it was necessary to prevent more lives
from being lost.
On
April 14, 1995, McVeigh paid for a motel room at the Dreamland
Motel in Junction
City
, Kansas
. The
following day he rented a
Ryder truck under
the name Robert D. Kling, an alias he adopted because he knew an
Army soldier named Kling with whom he shared physical
characteristics, and because it reminded him of the
Klingon warriors of the
Star Trek media
franchise. On April 16, he drove to Oklahoma City with
fellow conspirator Nichols where he parked a getaway car several
blocks away from the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. The nearby
Regency Towers Apartments' lobby security camera recorded images of
Nichols' pickup truck as it drove to the federal building. After
removing the license plate from the car, he left a note covering
the
Vehicle Identification
Number (VIN) plate that read, "Not abandoned. Please do not
tow. Will move by April 23. (Needs battery & cable)." Both
men then returned to Kansas.
Building the bomb
On
April 17–18, McVeigh and Nichols loaded 108 bags of
explosive-grade ammonium nitrate
fertilizer weighing each, three drums of
liquid nitromethane, several crates of
explosive Tovex, seventeen bags of ANFO, and spools of shock
tube and cannon fuse into the
Ryder truck from their storage unit in Herington
, Kansas
, where
Nichols lived. The two then drove to Geary County State
Lake, where they nailed boards onto the floor of the trucks to hold
the thirteen barrels in place and mixed the chemicals using
plastic buckets and a bathroom scale. Each filled barrel weighed
nearly . McVeigh added more explosives to the driver's side of the
cargo bay, which he could ignite at close range (at the cost of his
own life), with his
Glock 21 pistol if the
primary fuses failed. During McVeigh's trial, Lori Fortier (the
wife of Michael Fortier) stated that McVeigh claimed to have
arranged the barrels in order to form a
shaped charge. This was achieved by
tamping the aluminum side panel of the truck
with bags of ammonium nitrate fertilizer to direct the blast
laterally towards the building. Specifically, McVeigh arranged the
barrels in the shape of a backwards J; he said later that for pure
destructive power, he would have put the barrels on the side of the
cargo bay closest to the Murrah Building; however, such an unevenly
distributed load might have broken an axle, flipped the truck over,
or at least caused it to lean to one side, which could have drawn
attention.
McVeigh then added a dual-fuse ignition system accessible from the
truck's front cab. He drilled two holes in the cab of the
truck under the seat, while two holes were also drilled in the
van of the truck. One green cannon fuse was run through each
hole into the cab. These time-delayed fuses led from the cab of the
truck, through plastic fish-tank tubing conduit, to two sets of
non-electric blasting caps. The tubing was painted yellow to blend
in with the
truck's
livery, and duct-taped in place to the wall to make
them harder to disable by yanking from the outside. The fuses were
set up to initiate, through shock tubes, the of Tovex Blastrite Gel
"sausages", which would in turn set off the configuration of
barrels. Of the thirteen filled barrels, nine contained
ammonium nitrate and nitromethane, and four contained a mixture of
the fertilizer and about of diesel fuel. Additional materials and
tools used for manufacturing the bomb were left in the truck to be
destroyed in the blast. After finishing the truck bomb, the
two men separated; Nichols returned home to Herington and
McVeigh with the truck to Junction City.
Bombing

McVeigh's movement in the Ryder truck
(red dashed line) and escape on foot (blue dashed line) on the day
of the bombing
An aerial view, looking from the north, of the
destruction
McVeigh's original plan had been to detonate the bomb at
11:00 a.m. CST, but at dawn on April 19, he decided
instead to destroy the building at 9:00 a.m. CST. As he drove
toward the Murrah Federal Building in the Ryder truck, McVeigh
carried with him an envelope whose contents included pages from
The Turner Diaries—a
fictional account of modern-day revolutionary activists who rise up
against the government and create a full-scale race war.
He wore a
printed T-shirt with the motto of the Commonwealth of Virginia
, Sic semper
tyrannis ("Thus always to tyrants", which was shouted by
John Wilkes Booth immediately
after the assassination of
Abraham Lincoln) and
"The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the
blood of patriots and tyrants" (from Thomas Jefferson). McVeigh also
carried an envelope of anti-government materials. These included a
bumper sticker with
Samuel Adams'
slogan, "When the government fears the people, there is liberty.
When the people fear the government, there is tyranny." Underneath,
McVeigh had scrawled, "Maybe now, there will be liberty!" Another
item included a quote by
John Locke,
asserting that a man has a right to kill someone who takes away his
liberty.
McVeigh entered Oklahoma City at 8:50 a.m. CST. At
8:57 a.m. CST the same Regency Towers Apartments' lobby
security camera—which had recorded Nichols' pickup truck three days
earlier—recorded the Ryder truck heading towards the Murrah Federal
Building. Also at 8:57 a.m. CST, McVeigh lit the five-minute
fuse. Three minutes later, still a block away, he lit the
two-minute fuse. He parked the Ryder truck in a drop-off zone
situated under the building's day-care center, exited and locked
the truck, and as he headed to his getaway vehicle, dropped the
keys to the truck a few blocks away.
At 9:02 a.m. CST, the Ryder truck, containing in excess of of
ammonium nitrate fertilizer, nitromethane, and diesel fuel mixture,
detonated in front of the north side of the nine-story Alfred P.
Murrah Federal Building. One third of the building was destroyed by
the explosion, which created a wide, deep crater on NW 5th Street
next to the building.The blast destroyed or damaged
324 buildings within a sixteen-block radius, and shattered
glass in 258 nearby buildings. The broken glass alone
accounted for 5% of the death total and 69% of the injuries outside
the Murrah Federal Building. The blast destroyed or burned
86 cars around the site, causing secondary explosions from the
vehicles' gas tanks and tires. The destruction of the buildings
left several hundred people homeless and shut down multiple offices
in downtown Oklahoma City. The explosion was estimated to have
caused at least $652 million worth of damage.
The effects of the blast were equivalent to over of
TNT, and could be heard and felt up to away.
Seismometers at Science
Museum Oklahoma
in Oklahoma City, away, and in Norman
, Oklahoma
, away, recorded the blast as measuring
approximately 3.0 on the Richter
scale.
Arrests
Initially, the FBI had three theories on who had committed the
bombing.
The first was that it was international
terrorism, possibly by the same group who had carried out the
World
Trade Center bombing
two years earlier. The FBI also thought that
a
drug cartel may have been acting out
of vengeance against DEA agents, as the building held a DEA office.
The last theory was that the bombing was done by
Christian
fascists acting on
conspiracy
theories.
McVeigh
was arrested within 90 minutes of the explosion, as he was
traveling north on Interstate 35 near
Perry
in Noble
County
, Oklahoma
. Oklahoma
State Trooper Charlie Hanger stopped McVeigh for driving his
yellow 1977
Mercury Marquis without
a license plate, and arrested him for having a concealed weapon.
For his home address, McVeigh falsely claimed he resided at Terry
Nichols' brother James' house in Michigan. After booking McVeigh,
Hanger searched his police car and found a business card McVeigh
had hidden while he was handcuffed. The card, for a Wisconsin
military surplus store, had the words "TNT at $5 a stick. Need
more." written on the back. The card was later used as evidence
during McVeigh's trial.
Using the
VIN from an
axle of the truck used in the explosion, and the remnants of the
license plate, federal agents were able to link the truck to a
specific Ryder rental agency in Junction City; using a sketch
created with the assistance of Eldon Elliot, owner of the agency,
the agents were able to implicate McVeigh in the bombing. McVeigh
was also identified by Lea McGown of the Dreamland Motel, who
remembered him parking a large yellow Ryder truck in the lot;
moreover, McVeigh had signed in under his real name at the motel,
using an address that matched the one on his forged license and the
charge sheet at the Perry Police Station. Before signing into the
hotel, McVeigh had used false names for his transactions; McGown
noted, "People are so used to signing their own name that when they
go to sign a phony name, they almost always go to write, and then
look up for a moment as if to remember the new name they want to
use. That's what [McVeigh] did, and when he looked up I started
talking to him, and it threw him."

McVeigh about to exit the Perry,
Oklahoma courthouse on April 21, 1995
After an April 21 court hearing on the gun charges, but before
McVeigh's release, federal agents took him into custody as they
continued their investigation into the bombing. Rather than talk to
investigators about the bombing, McVeigh demanded an attorney.
Having been tipped off by the arrival of police and helicopters
that a bombing suspect was inside, a restless crowd began to gather
outside the jail. McVeigh's requests for a bulletproof vest or
transport by helicopter were denied.
Federal agents obtained a
warrant to
search the house of McVeigh's father, Bill, following which they
broke down the door and wired the house and telephone with
listening devices. FBI investigators used
this information along with the fake address McVeigh had provided
to begin their search for the Nichols brothers, Terry and James. On
April 21, Terry learned that he was being hunted, and he turned
himself in. Investigators discovered incriminating evidence at his
home: ammonium nitrate and blasting caps; the electric drill used
to drill out the locks at the quarry; books on bomb-making; a copy
of
Hunter, the 1989 novel by
William Luther Pierce, the
late founder and chairman of the
white
nationalist National Alliance; and, a
hand-drawn map of downtown Oklahoma City, which included the Murrah
Building and the spot where McVeigh's getaway car was hidden. After
a nine-hour interrogation, Nichols was formally held in federal
custody until his trial for involvement in the bombing. On April
25, James was also arrested but he was released after 32 days
for lack of evidence. McVeigh's sister Jennifer was accused of
illegally mailing bullets to McVeigh, but she was granted immunity
in exchange for testifying against him.
Ibrahim Ahmad, a Jordanian-American traveling from his home in
Oklahoma City to visit family in Jordan on April 19 was also
arrested in what was described as an "initial dragnet". Because of
his background, the media were initially concerned that Middle
Eastern terrorists could be behind the attack. Further
investigation, however, cleared Ahmad of any involvement in the
bombing.
Casualties

Floor-by-floor diagram detailing the
location of the victims in the Alfred P.
It is estimated that 646 people were inside the building when
the bomb exploded. By the end of the day of the bombing, twenty
were confirmed dead, including six children, and over one hundred
injured. The toll eventually reached 168 confirmed dead, not
including an unmatched leg that could have belonged to a possible,
unidentified 169th victim. Most of the deaths resulted from the
collapse of the building, rather than the bomb blast. Those killed
included 163 who were in the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, one
person in the Athenian Building, one woman in a parking lot across
the street, a man and woman in the Oklahoma Water Resources
building, and a rescue worker struck on the head by debris.
The victims ranged in age from three months to seventy-three, not
including the fetuses of three pregnant women. Of the dead, 99
worked for the federal government. Nineteen of the victims were
children, fifteen of whom were in the America's Kids Day Care
Center. The bodies of the 168 victims were identified at a
temporary morgue set up at the scene. A team of 24, which included
sixteen specialists, used full-body
X-rays,
dental examinations,
fingerprinting,
blood tests, and
DNA testing. Over 680 people were
injured; the majority of the injuries were caused by
abrasions, severe
burn, and
bone
fractures.
McVeigh later reflected on killing children in the bombing: "I
didn't define the rules of engagement in this conflict. The rules,
if not written down, are defined by the aggressor. It was brutal,
no holds barred.
Women and kids were killed at Waco
and Ruby
Ridge
. You put back in [the government's] faces
exactly what they're giving out."
Response and relief
Rescue efforts

U.S.
Air Force personnel and firefighters removing rubble in the
rescue attempt
At 9:03:25 a.m. CST, the first of over 1,800
9-1-1 calls related to the bombing was received by
Emergency Medical
Services Authority (EMSA). By that time, EMSA ambulances,
police, and firefighters were already headed to the scene, having
heard the blast. Nearby civilians, who had also witnessed or heard
the blast, arrived to assist the victims and emergency workers.
Within 23 minutes of the bombing, the State Emergency
Operations Center (SEOC) was set up, consisting of representatives
from the state departments of public safety, human services,
military, health, and education. Assisting the SEOC were agencies
such as the
National Weather
Service, the
Air Force,
the
Civil Air Patrol, and the
American Red Cross. Immediate
assistance also came from 465 members of the
Oklahoma National Guard, who arrived
within the hour to provide security, and from members of the
Department of Civil Emergency Management. Within the first hour,
50 people were rescued from the Murrah Federal Building.
Victims were sent to every hospital in the area. At the end of the
first day of rescue efforts, 153 had been treated at St. Anthony
Hospital, eight blocks from the blast, over 70 at Presbyterian, 41
at University, and 18 at Children's. Temporary silences were
observed so that sensitive listening devices capable of detecting
human heartbeats could be used to locate survivors. In some cases,
limbs had to be amputated without anesthetic (avoided due to its
potential to cause a deadly coma) in order to free those trapped
under rubble. Periodically the scene had to be evacuated after
police received tips claiming that other bombs had been planted in
the building.
At 10:28 a.m. CST rescuers found what they believed to be a
second bomb, but some rescue workers refused to leave until police
ordered the mandatory evacuation of a four-block area around the
site. The device was determined to be a three-foot (.9-m) long
TOW missile used in the training of
federal agents and bomb-sniffing dogs, but although inert had been
marked "live" to fool arms traffickers in a planned law enforcement
sting. On examination the missile was determined to be inert, and
relief efforts resumed 45 minutes after its discovery. The
last survivor, a fifteen-year-old girl found under the base of the
collapsed building, was rescued at about 7:00 p.m. CST.
In the days following the blast, over 12,000 people
participated in relief and rescue operations. The
Federal Emergency Management
Agency (FEMA) activated eleven of its
Urban Search and Rescue
Task Forces, consisting of a team of 665 rescue workers
who assisted in rescue and recovery operations. One nurse was
killed in the rescue attempt after she was hit on the head by
debris, and 26 other rescuers were hospitalized because of
various injuries. Twenty-four
K-9 units
and out-of-state dogs were brought in to search for survivors and
bodies in the building refuse. In an effort to recover additional
bodies, of rubble were removed from the site each day from
April 24 to April 29.
Rescue and recovery efforts were concluded at 12:05 a.m. CST
on May 5, by which time the bodies of all but three of the
victims had been recovered. For safety reasons, the building was to
be demolished shortly afterward. However, McVeigh's attorney,
Stephen Jones, called for a
motion to delay the demolition until
the defense team could examine the site in preparation for the
trial. More than a month after the bombing, at 7:02 a.m. CST
on May 23, the Murrah Federal building was demolished. The
final three bodies, those of two credit union employees and a
customer, were recovered. For several days after the building's
demolition, trucks hauled of debris a day away from the site. Some
of the debris was used as
evidence in
the conspirators' trials, incorporated into memorials, donated to
local schools, or sold to raise funds for relief efforts.
Humanitarian aid
The national humanitarian response was immediate, and in some cases
even overwhelming. Large numbers of items such as wheelbarrows,
bottled water, helmet lights, knee pads, rain gear, and even
football helmets were donated. The sheer quantity of such donations
caused logistical and inventory control problems until drop-off
centers were set up to accept and sort the goods. The Oklahoma
Restaurant Association, which was holding a trade show in the city,
assisted rescue workers by providing 15,000 to 20,000 meals
over a ten-day period.
The Salvation Army served over
100,000 meals and provided over 100,000 ponchos, gloves,
hard hats, and knee pads to rescue workers. Local residents and
those from further afield responded to the requests for
blood donations. Of the 9,000 units of
blood donated 131 units were used, the rest were stored in
blood banks.
Federal and state government aid

Bill Clinton's notes for address to
the Oklahoma City bombing victims on April 23, 1995.
At 9:45 a.m. CST, Governor
Frank
Keating declared a
state of
emergency and ordered all non-essential workers in the Oklahoma
City area to be released from their duties for their safety.
President Bill Clinton learned about the bombing around
9:30 a.m. CST while he was meeting with Turkish Prime Minister
Tansu Çiller at the White House.
Prior to addressing the nation, President Clinton wanted to ground
all planes in the Oklahoma City area to prevent the bombers from
escaping by air, but decided against it. At 4:00 p.m. CST,
President Clinton declared a federal emergency in Oklahoma City and
spoke to the nation:He ordered that flags for all federal buildings
be flown at
half-staff for 30 days
in remembrance of the victims. Four days later, on April 23,
Clinton spoke from Oklahoma City.
No major federal financial assistance was made available to the
survivors of the Oklahoma City bombing, but the Murrah Fund set up
in the wake of the bombing succeeded in attracting over $300,000 in
federal grants. Over $40 million was donated to the city to
aid disaster relief and to compensate the victims. Funds were
initially distributed to families who needed it to get back on
their feet, and the rest was held in trust for longer-term medical
and psychological needs. As of 2005, $18 million of the
donations remained, some of which was earmarked to provide a
college education for each of the 219 children who lost one or
both parents in the bombing. A committee chaired by Daniel
Kurtenbach of
Goodwill
Industries provided financial assistance to the
survivors.
International reaction
International reactions to the bombing varied. President Clinton
received many messages of sympathy, including those from
Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom,
Yasser Arafat of the
Palestine Liberation
Organization, and
Narasimha Rao of
India. Iran condemned the bombing as an attack on innocent people,
but also blamed U.S. policy for inciting it. Kuwaiti parliament
member Ahmed Baqer stated "This is a criminal act. No religion and
no law permit such acts. A lot of civilians and children were
killed. This is against human rights. This is against logic. We as
a movement reject this kind of action." Other condolences came from
Russia, Canada, Australia, the United Nations, and the European
Union, among other nations and organizations.
Several countries offered to assist in the rescue efforts and
investigation. France offered a special rescue unit, and Israeli
President
Yitzhak Rabin offered to
send agents with "anti-terrorist expertise" to help in the
investigation. President Clinton declined Israel's offer, believing
that to accept it would increase anti-Muslim sentiments and
endanger Muslim-Americans.
Children terrorized
In the wake of the bombing, the national media seized upon the fact
that nineteen of the victims had been babies and children, many in
the day-care center. At the time of the bombing, there were
100 day-care centers in the United States in
7,900 federal buildings. McVeigh later stated that he was
unaware of the day-care center when choosing the building as a
target, and if he had known "... it might have given me pause to
switch targets. That's a large amount of collateral damage."
However, the FBI stated that McVeigh scouted the interior of the
building in December 1994 and likely knew of the day-care
center before the bombing.
Schools across the country were dismissed early and ordered closed.
A photograph of firefighter Chris Fields emerging from the rubble
with infant Baylee Almon, who later died in a nearby hospital, was
reprinted worldwide and became a symbol of the attack. The photo,
taken by utility company employee Charles H. Porter IV, won the
1996
Pulitzer Prize for Spot News
Photography. The images and thoughts of children dying terrorized
many children who, as demonstrated by later research, showed
symptoms of
post-traumatic stress
disorder.
President Clinton stated that after seeing images of babies being
pulled from the wreckage, he was "beyond angry" and wanted to "put
[his] fist through the television". Clinton and his wife
Hillary requested that aides talk to child
care specialists about how to communicate with the children
regarding the bombing. President Clinton spoke to the nation three
days after the bombing, saying: "I don't want our children to
believe something terrible about life and the future and grownups
in general because of this awful thing ... most adults are
good people who want to protect our children in their childhood and
we are going to get through this". On April 22, the Clintons
spoke in the White House with over 40 federal agency employees
and their children, and in a live nationwide television and radio
broadcast, addressed their concerns.
Media coverage
Hundreds of news trucks and members of the press arrived at the
site to cover the story.
The press immediately noticed that the
bombing took place on the second anniversary of the Waco incident
. Many initial news stories, however,
hypothesized the attack had been undertaken by Islamic terrorists,
such as those who had masterminded the 1993 World
Trade Center bombing
. Some responded to these reports by
attacking Muslims and people of Arab descent.
As the rescue effort wound down, the media interest shifted to the
investigation, arrests, and trials of Timothy McVeigh and Terry
Nichols, and on the search for an additional suspect named "John
Doe Number Two". Several witnesses had claimed to see the second
suspect with McVeigh who did not resemble Nichols.
Trials and sentencing of the conspirators

Rescue Team 5 remembers the victims
who died in the bombing
The
Federal
Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) led the official investigation, known as
OKBOMB, with Weldon L.
Kennedy acting as Special Agent in
charge. Kennedy oversaw 900 federal, state, and local law
enforcement personnel including 300 FBI agents,
200 officers from the
Oklahoma City Police
Department, 125 members of the
Oklahoma National Guard, and
55 officers from the
Oklahoma Department of
Public Safety.
The crime task force was deemed the largest
since the investigation into the assassination of John F.
Kennedy
. OKBOMB was the largest criminal case in
America's history, with FBI agents conducting
28,000 interviews, amassing of evidence, and collecting nearly
one billion pieces of information.
Federal judge
Richard Paul Matsch ordered the
venue for the trial be moved from Oklahoma City to Denver
, Colorado
, citing that the defendants would be unable to
receive a fair trial in Oklahoma. The investigation led to
the separate trials and convictions of McVeigh, Nichols, and
Fortier.
Timothy McVeigh
Opening arguments in McVeigh's trial began on April 24, 1997. The
United
States was represented by a team of prosecutors led by Joseph
Hartzler. In his opening statement Hartzler outlined McVeigh's
motivations, and the evidence against him. McVeigh, he said, had
developed a hatred of the government during his time in the army,
after reading
The Turner
Diaries.
His beliefs were supported by what he saw as
the militia's ideological
opposition to increases in taxes and the passage of the Brady Bill, and were further reinforced by the
Waco
and Ruby Ridge
incidents. The prosecution called
137 witnesses, including
Michael Fortier, Michael's wife
Lori Fortier, and McVeigh's
sister, Jennifer McVeigh, all of whom testified to confirm
McVeigh's hatred of the government and his desire to take militant
action against it. Both Fortiers testified that McVeigh had told
them of his plans to bomb the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building.
Michael revealed that McVeigh had chosen the date, and Lori
testified that she created the false identification card McVeigh
used to rent the Ryder truck.
McVeigh was represented by a defense counsel team of six principal
attorneys led by
Stephen
Jones. According to law professor Douglas O. Linder, McVeigh
wanted Jones to present a "necessity defense"—which would argue
that he was in "imminent danger" from the government (that his
bombing was intended to prevent future crimes by the government,
such as the Waco and Ruby Ridge incidents). McVeigh argued that
"imminent" does not mean "immediate": "If a comet is hurtling
toward the earth, and it's out past the orbit of Pluto, it's not an
immediate threat to Earth, but it is an imminent threat." Despite
McVeigh's wishes, Jones attempted to discredit the prosecution's
case in an attempt to instill reasonable doubt. Jones also believed
that McVeigh was part of a larger conspiracy, and sought to present
him as "the designated patsy". However McVeigh disagreed with Jones
arguing that rationale for his defense. After a hearing, Judge
Matsch independently ruled the evidence concerning a larger
conspiracy to be too insubstantial to be admissible. In addition to
arguing that the bombing could not have been carried out by two men
alone, Jones also attempted to create reasonable doubt by arguing
that no one had seen McVeigh near the scene of the crime, and that
the investigation into the bombing had lasted only two weeks. Jones
presented 25 witnesses over a one-week period, including Dr.
Frederic Whitehurst. Although
Whitehurst described the FBI's sloppy investigation of the bombing
site and its handling of other key evidence, he was unable to point
to any direct evidence that he knew to be contaminated.
A key point of contention in the case was the unmatched left leg
found after the bombing. Although it was initially believed to be
from a male, it was later determined to be that of Lakesha Levy, a
female member of the Air Force who was killed in the bombing.
Levy's coffin had to be re-opened so that her leg could replace
another unmatched leg that had previously been buried with her
remains. The unmatched leg had been embalmed, which prevented
authorities from being able to extract DNA to determine the leg's
owner. Jones argued that the leg could have belonged to another
bomber, possibly John Doe #2. The prosecution disputed the claim,
saying that the leg could have belonged to any one of eight victims
who had been buried without a left leg.
Numerous damaging leaks emerged, which appeared to originate from
conversations between McVeigh and his defense attorneys. They
included a confession said to have been inadvertently included on a
computer disk that was given to the press, which McVeigh believed
seriously compromised his chances of getting a fair trial. A
gag order was imposed during the trial,
prohibiting attorneys on either side from commenting to the press
on the evidence, proceedings, or opinions regarding the trial
proceedings. The defense was allowed to enter into evidence six
pages of a 517-page Justice Department report criticizing the FBI
crime laboratory and David Williams, one of the agency's explosives
experts, for reaching unscientific and biased conclusions. The
report claimed that Williams had worked backward in the
investigation rather than basing his determinations on forensic
evidence.
The jury deliberated for 23 hours. On June 2, 1997,
McVeigh was found guilty on eleven counts of murder and
conspiracy. Although the defense argued for a reduced sentence of
life imprisonment, McVeigh was sentenced to death. In May 2001, the
FBI announced that it had withheld over 3,000 documents from
McVeigh's defense counsel. The execution was postponed for one
month for the defense to review the documents. On June 6, federal
judge
Richard Paul Matsch ruled
the documents would not prove McVeigh innocent and ordered the
execution to proceed. After President
George W. Bush approved
the execution (McVeigh was a federal inmate and federal law
dictates that the President must approve the execution of federal
prisoners), he was executed by lethal
injection at a U.S. penitentiary in Terre
Haute
, Indiana
, on June 11. The execution was
transmitted on
closed-circuit
television so that the relatives of the victims could witness
his death. McVeigh's execution was the first federal execution in
38 years.
Terry Nichols
Nichols stood trial twice. He was first tried by the federal
government in 1997 and found guilty of conspiring to build a weapon
of mass destruction and of eight counts of involuntary manslaughter
of federal officers. After he was sentenced on June 4, 1998 to
life without parole, the State of Oklahoma in 2000 sought a
death-penalty conviction on 161 counts of first-degree murder
(160 non-federal agent victims and one fetus). On
May 26, 2004 the jury found him guilty on all charges, but
deadlocked on the issue of sentencing him to death. Presiding Judge
Steven W. Taylor then determined the sentence of
161 consecutive life terms without the possibility of parole.
In March 2005, FBI investigators, acting on a tip, searched a
buried crawl space in Nichols' former house and found additional
explosives missed in the preliminary search after Nichols was
arrested.
As of 2009 Nichols is being held in the
ADX
Florence
Federal
Prison.
Michael Fortier
Michael and Lori Fortier were considered accomplices for their
foreknowledge of the planning of the bombing. In addition to
Michael assisting McVeigh in scouting the federal building, Lori
had helped McVeigh laminate a fake driver's license (which was
later used to rent the Ryder truck). Michael agreed to testify
against McVeigh and Nichols in exchange for a modest sentence and
immunity for his wife. He was sentenced on May 27, 1998 to
twelve years in prison and fined $75,000 for failing to warn
authorities about the attack. On January 20, 2006, after
serving ten and a half years of his sentence, Fortier was released
for good behavior into the
Witness
Protection Program and given a new identity.
Others
No "John Doe #2" was ever identified, nothing conclusive was ever
reported regarding the owner of the missing leg, and the government
never openly investigated anyone else in conjunction with the
bombing. Although the defense teams in both McVeigh's and Nichols
trials suggested that others were involved, Judge Steven W. Taylor
found no credible, relevant, or legally admissible evidence, of
anyone other than McVeigh and Nichols having directly participated
in the bombing. When McVeigh was asked if there were other
conspirators in the bombing, he replied: "Because the truth is, I
blew up the Murrah Building, and isn't it kind of scary that one
man could wreak this kind of hell?" On the morning of McVeigh's
execution a letter was released in which he had written "For those
die-hard conspiracy theorists who will refuse to believe this, I
turn the tables and say: Show me where I needed anyone else.
Financing? Logistics? Specialized tech skills? Brainpower?
Strategy? ... Show me where I needed a dark, mysterious 'Mr.
X'!"
Legacy

Its survival of the bombing made
The Survivor Tree elm an emblem of the memorial.
A smaller tree is visible in the foreground.
The greatest loss of American life in a terrorist incident before
the Oklahoma attack had occurred in the 1988 bombing of
Pan Am Flight 103, which killed 189 in an
explosion over Scotland. The Oklahoma City bombing was the
deadliest act of terror against the U.S. on American soil until the
September 11, 2001
attacks. It has been estimated that about 387,000 people
in the Oklahoma City metropolitan area (a third of the population)
knew someone who was directly affected by the bombing.
Within 48 hours of the attack, and with the assistance of the
General Services
Administration (GSA), the targeted federal offices were able to
resume operations in other parts of the city. According to
Mark Potok, director of Intelligence Project at
the
Southern Poverty Law
Center, law enforcement officials foiled over 60 domestic
terrorism plots from 1995 to 2005. The attacks were prevented due
to measures established by the local and federal government to
increase security of high-priority targets and following-up on hate
groups within the United States. Potok revealed that in 1996 there
were approximately 858 domestic militias and other
antigovernment groups but the number had dropped to 152 by 2004.
Shortly after the bombing, the FBI hired an additional
500 agents to investigate potential domestic terrorist
attacks.
Legislation
In the wake of the bombing the U.S. government enacted several
pieces of legislation, notably the
Antiterrorism
and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996. In response to the
trials of the conspirators being moved out-of-state, the Victim
Allocution Clarification Act of 1997 was signed on March 20,
1997 by President Clinton to allow the victims of the bombing (and
the victims of any other future acts of violence) the right to
observe trials and to offer impact testimony in sentencing
hearings. In response to passing the legislation, Clinton stated
that "when someone is a victim, he or she should be at the center
of the criminal justice process, not on the outside looking
in."
In the years since the bombing scientists, security experts, and
the
ATF have
called on Congress to develop legislation that would require
customers to produce identification when purchasing ammonium
nitrate fertilizer, and for sellers to maintain records of its
sale. Critics argue though that farmers lawfully use large
quantities of the fertilizer, and as of 2009 only Nevada and South
Carolina require identification from purchasers. In June 1995,
Congress enacted legislation requiring chemical
taggants to be incorporated into dynamite and other
explosives so that a bomb could be traced to its manufacturer. In
2008,
Honeywell announced that it had
developed a nitrogen-based fertilizer that would not detonate when
mixed with fuel oil.
The company, with the assistance of the
Department of Homeland
Security
, is working on the development of the fertilizer
for commercial use.
Building security and construction

The site of the building after it was
imploded, three months after the bombing
In the weeks following the bombing the federal government ordered
that all federal buildings in all major cities be surrounded with
prefabricated
Jersey barriers to
prevent similar attacks. As part of a longer-term plan for
United States federal
building security most of those temporary barriers have since
been replaced with permanent security barriers, which look more
attractive and are driven deep into the ground for sturdiness.
Furthermore, all new federal buildings must now be constructed with
truck-resistant barriers and with deep setbacks from surrounding
streets to minimize their vulnerability to truck bombs. FBI
buildings, for instance, must be set back from traffic. The total
cost of improving security in federal buildings across the country
in response to the bombing reached over $600 million.
The Murrah Federal Building had been considered so safe that it
only employed one security guard. In June 1995, the GSA issued
Vulnerability Assessment of Federal Facilities, also known
as
The Marshals Report, the findings of which resulted in
a thorough evaluation of security at all federal buildings and a
system for classifying risks at over 1,300 federal facilities
owned or leased by the federal government. Federal sites were
divided into five security levels ranging from Level 1 (minimum
security needs) to Level 5 (maximum). The Alfred P. Murrah Building
was deemed a Level 4 building. Among the 52 security
improvements were physical barriers, closed-circuit television
monitoring, site planning and access, hardening of building
exteriors to increase blast resistance, glazing systems to reduce
flying glass shards and fatalities, and structural engineering
design to prevent progressive collapse.
The attack led to engineering improvements allowing buildings to
better withstand tremendous forces, improvements which were
incorporated into the design of Oklahoma City's new federal
building. The
National
Geographic Channel documentary series
Seconds From Disaster suggested
that the Murrah Federal Building would probably have survived the
blast had it been built according to California's earthquake design
codes.
Discussion of the nature of dissent
Even many who agreed with some of McVeigh's politics viewed his act
as counterproductive, with much of the criticism focused on the
deaths of innocent children; critics expressed chagrin that McVeigh
had not assassinated specific government leaders. McVeigh had
indeed contemplated the assassinations of Attorney General
Janet Reno and others in preference to attacking
a building, and after the bombing he said that he sometimes wished
he had carried out a series of assassinations instead. Those who
expressed sympathy for McVeigh typically described his deed as an
act of war, as in the case of
Gore
Vidal's essay
The Meaning of Timothy McVeigh. Other
journalists compared him to
John Brown.
McVeigh believed that the bomb attack had a positive impact on
government policy. In evidence he cited the peaceful resolution of
the
Montana Freemen standoff in
1996, the government's $3.1 million settlement with
Randy Weaver and his surviving children four
months after the bombing, and April 2000 statements by Bill
Clinton regretting his decision to storm the Branch Davidian
compound. McVeigh stated, "Once you bloody the bully's nose, and he
knows he's going to be punched again, he's not coming back
around."
Memorial observances
Oklahoma City National Memorial
For two years after the bombing the only memorials to the
victims were plush toys, crucifixes, letters, and other personal
items left by thousands of people at a security fence surrounding
the site of the building. Many suggestions for suitable memorials
were sent to Oklahoma City, but an official memorial planning
committee was not set up until early 1996, when the Murrah Federal
Building Memorial Task Force, composed of 350 members, was set
up to formulate plans for a memorial to commemorate the victims of
the bombing. On July 1, 1997 the winning design was chosen
unanimously by a 15-member panel from 624 submissions. The
memorial was designed at a cost of $29 million, which was
raised by public and private funds. The memorial is part of the
National Park Service and was
designed by Oklahoma City architects Hans and Torrey Butzer and
Sven Berg. It was dedicated by President Clinton on April 19,
2000, exactly five years after the bombing. Within the first year,
it had 700,000 visitors.
The museum includes a reflecting pool flanked by two large gates,
one inscribed with the time 9:01, the other with 9:03, the pool
representing the moment of the blast. On the south end of the
memorial is a field of symbolic bronze and stone chairs—one for
each person lost, arranged according to what floor of the building
they were on. The chairs represent the empty chairs at the dinner
tables of the victims' families. The seats of the children killed
are smaller than those of the adults lost. On the opposite side is
the "survivor tree", part of the building's original landscaping
that survived the blast and fires that followed it. The memorial
left part of the foundation of the building intact, allowing
visitors to see the scale of the destruction. Part of the chain
link fence put in place around the site of the blast, which had
attracted over 800,000 personal items of commemoration later
collected by the Oklahoma City Memorial Foundation, is now on the
western edge of the memorial. North of the memorial is the Journal
Record Building, which now houses the Oklahoma City National
Memorial Museum, an affiliate of the National Park Service. The
building also contains the
National
Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, a
non-partisan think
tank.
St. Joseph's Old Cathedral
On a corner adjacent to the memorial is a sculpture titled "And
Jesus Wept", erected by St. Joseph's Old Cathedral. St. Joseph's,
one of the first brick and mortar churches in the city, was almost
completely destroyed by the blast. The statue is not part of the
memorial itself.
Remembrance observance
An observance is held each year to remember the victims of the
bombing. An annual marathon draws thousands, and allows runners to
sponsor a victim of the bombing. For the tenth anniversary of the
bombing, the city held 24 days of activities, including a
week-long series of events known as the National Week of Hope from
April 17 to April 24, 2005. As in previous years, the
tenth anniversary of the bombing observances began with a service
at 09:02 a.m. CST, marking the moment the bomb went off, with
the traditional 168 seconds of silence—one second for
each person who was killed as a result of the blast. The service
also included the traditional reading of the names, read by
children to symbolize the future of Oklahoma City.
Vice President
Dick Cheney, former
president Clinton, Oklahoma Governor
Brad
Henry,
Frank Keating, Governor of
Oklahoma at the time of the bombing, and other political
dignitaries attended the service and gave speeches in which they
emphasized that "goodness overcame evil". The relatives of the
victims and the survivors of the blast also made note of it during
the service at First
United
Methodist Church in Oklahoma City.
President
George W. Bush made note of the anniversary in a
written statement, part of which echoes his remarks on the
execution of Timothy McVeigh in 2001: "For the survivors of the
crime and for the families of the dead the pain goes on."
Bush was
invited but did not attend the service because he was en route to
Springfield
, Illinois
to dedicate the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and
Museum
. Vice President Cheney presided over the
service in his place.
Conspiracy theories
A variety of
conspiracy theories
have been proposed about the events surrounding the bombing.
Critics allege that individuals in the government, including
President Bill Clinton, knew of the impending bombing and
intentionally failed to act on that knowledge. Additional theories
focus on the possibility of additional explosives within the
building and additional conspirators involved with the bombing. It
is also believed that the bombing was done by the government to
frame the militia movement or enact antiterrorism legislation while
using McVeigh as a scapegoat. Experts have disputed the theories
and government investigations have been opened at various times to
look into the theories.
See also
References
- Notes
- Bibliography
Further reading
- Hinman, Eve E. David J. Hammond. Lessons from the Oklahoma
City Bombing: Defensive Design Techniques. New York: ASCE
Press, 1997. ISBN 0-784-40217-5.
- Jones, Stephen. Peter
Israel. Others Unknown: The Oklahoma City Bombing Case and
Conspiracy. New York: Public Affairs, 1998. ISBN
1-891-62007-X.
- Oklahoma Today.
9:02 a.m., April 19, 1995: The Official Record of the
Oklahoma City Bombing. Oklahoma City: Oklahoma Today, 2005.
ISBN 0-806-19957-1.
- Sanders, Kathy. After Oklahoma City: A Grieving Grandmother
Uncovers Shocking Truths about the bombing...and Herself.
Arlington, TX: Master Strategies, 2005. ISBN 0-9766485-0-4.
- Sherrow, Victoria. The Oklahoma City Bombing: Terror in the
Heartland. Springfield, N.J.: Enslow Publishers, 1998. ISBN
0-766-01061-9.
External links