Oliver Cromwell (25 April 1599 Old Style – 3 September 1658 Old Style) was an English military and political leader best known for his involvement in making England into a republican Commonwealth and for his later role as Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland.

He was one of the commanders of the New Model Army which defeated the royalists in the English Civil War. After the execution of King Charles I in 1649, Cromwell dominated the short-lived Commonwealth of England, conquered Ireland and Scotland, and ruled as Lord Protector from 1653 until his death in 1658.

Cromwell was born into the ranks of the middle gentry, and remained relatively obscure for the first 40 years of his life. At times his lifestyle resembled that of a yeoman farmer until his finances were boosted thanks to an inheritance from his uncle. After undergoing a religious conversion during the same decade, he made an Independent style of Puritanism a core tenet of his life. Cromwell was elected Member of Parliament for Cambridge in the Short (1640) and Long Parliaments, and later entered the English Civil War on the side of the "Roundheads" or Parliamentarians.

An effective soldier (nicknamed "Old Ironsides"), he rose from leading a single cavalry troop to command of the entire army. Cromwell was one of the signatories of Charles I's death warrant in 1649 and was a member of the Rump Parliament (1649-1653), being chosen by the Rump to take command of the English campaign in Ireland during 1649-50. He then led a campaign against the Scottish army between 1650-51. On 20 April 1653 he dismissed the Rump Parliament by force, setting up a short-lived nominated assembly known as the Barebones Parliament before being made Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland on 16 December 1653 until his death. He was buried in Westminster Abbey, but when the Royalists returned to power his corpse was dug up, hung in chains, and beheaded.

Cromwell has been a controversial figure in the history of the British Isles – a regicidal dictator to some historians (such as David Hume and Christopher Hill) and a hero of liberty to others (such as Thomas Carlyle and Samuel Rawson Gardiner). In Britain he was elected as one of the Top 10 Britons of all time in a 2002 BBC poll. His measures against Irish Catholics have been characterized by some historians as genocidal or near-genocidal,genocidal or near-genocidal:

• Breton Albert (ed). 1995, Nationalism and Rationality, Cambridge University Press, Chapter Regulating nations and ethnic communities by Brendam O'Leary and John McGarry p 248. "Oliver Cromwell offered the Irish Catholics a choice between genocide and forced mass population transfer. They could go 'To Hell or to Connaught!'"
• Coogan Tim-Pat, . 2002. The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. ISBN 978-0312294182. Page 6. "The massacres by Catholics of Protestants, which occurred in the religious wars of the 1640s, were magnified for propagandist purposes to justify Cromwell's subsequent genocide."
• Ellis, Peter Berresford. 2002. Eyewitness to Irish History. John Wiley & Sons Inc. Page 108. ISBN 978-0471266334. "It was to be the justification for Cromwell's genocidal campaign and settlement."
• Levene Mark, 2005, Genocide in the Age of the Nation-State, I.B.Tauris: London: "Considered overall, an Irish population collapse from 1.5 or possibly over 2 million inhabitants at the onset of the Irish wars in 1641, to no more than 850,000 eleven years later represents an absolutely devastating demographic catastrophe. Undoubted the largest proportion of this massive death toll did not arise from direct massacre but from hunger and then bubonic plagues, especially from the outbreak between 1649 and 1652. Even so, the relationship to the worst years of the fighting is all too apparent.
  
  [The Act of Settlement of Ireland], and the parliamentary legislation which succeeded it the following year, is the nearest thing on paper in the English, and more broadly British, domestic record, to a programme of state-sanctioned and systematic ethnic cleansing of another people. The fact that it did not include 'total' genocide in its remit, or that it failed to put into practice the vast majority of its proposed expulsions, ultimately, however, says less about the lethal determination of its makers and more about the political, structural and financial weakness of the early modern English state. For instance, though the Act begins rather ominously by claiming that it was not its intention to extirpate the whole Irish nation, it then goes on to list five categories of people who, as participators in or alleged supporters of the 1641 rebellion and its aftermath, would automatically be forfeit of their lives. It has been suggested that as many as 100,000 people would have been liable under these headings. A further five categories - by implication an even larger body of 'passive' supporters of the rebellion - were to be spared their lives but not their property."
• Levene, Mark. 2005. Genocide in the Age of the Nation State: Volume 2. Page 55, 56 & 57. A sample quote describes the Cromwellian campaign and settlement as "a conscious attempt to reduce a distinct ethnic population". ISBN 978-1845110574
• Levene, Mark and Roberts Penny. 1999, The Massacre in History, Berghahn Books: Oxford: "Further evidence for a massacre-ridden civil war in Ireland appears to come from population figures. Though military and civilian deaths from civil war were not light in England or in Scotland, in neither country did war inflict a clear drop in population level. It was otherwise in Ireland. Up to 1641 the population had risen steadily: one million in 1500, 1.4 in 1600, 2.1 in 1641; but then there occurred a sharp fall so that numbers stood at 1.7 million by 1672. After this, renewed growth took the population to 2.2 million in 1687, and 2.8 in 1712. By far the greater part of this massive decline - some four hundred thousand people or 19% of the 1641 population - took place in the 1640s and 1650, and was the direct or indirect result of over a decade of warfare. Ireland's civil war death toll is comparable to the devastation suffered during the Second World War by countries such as the Soviet Union, Poland, or Yugoslavia, and suggests that the war-time massacres which so contributed to these horrific modern figures, also occurred in mid-seventeenth-century Ireland."
• Lutz,James M and Lutz Brenda J, 2004. Global Terrorism, Routledge, London, p.193: "The draconian laws applied by Oliver Cromwell in Ireland were an early version of ethnic cleansing. The Catholic Irish were to be expelled to the northwestern areas of the island. Relocation rather than extermination was the goal."

• O'Leary, Brendan, Callaghy Thomas M., Ian S. Lustick, 2001, Right-Sizing the State: The Politics of Moving Borders, Oxford University Press: "Ethnic expulsion is a right-peopling strategy, the intended, direct or indirect, forcible movement by state officials, or sanctioned paramilitaries, of the whole or part of a community from its current homeland, usually beyond the sovereign borders of the state. A population can also be forcibly 'repatriated', or pushed back towards its alleged 'homeland', as happened to blacks during the high tide of apartheid in South Africa. We may distinguish two paradigm forms: creating 'Serbian exiles', that is coerced transfers within a state or empire, and 'creating refugees', that is, the expulsion of populations beyond the sovereign border. Examples of the former include the treatment of indigenous peoples throughout the world; the Irish Catholics moved by Oliver Cromwell to Connaught during 1649-50 and after; and national minorities within the Soviet Union."
• Stewart, Frances. War and Underdevelopment: Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict v. 1, (Queen Elizabeth House Series in Development Studies), Oxford University Press. 2000. "Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation, which was responsible for the majority of an estimated 600,000 deaths out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000."
• Ethnic Cleansing of Ireland, International Institute of Social History Website (Based in the Netherlands), "Roman Catholic Irish were subdued to ethnic cleansing policy by Oliver Cromwell. After his suppression of a rebellion against the English in 1649 he ordered that the Irish were allowed to live west of the Shannon river only. During guerrilla warfare that followed thousands of Irish died or were sold as slaves to America. Cromwell had promised Irish land to the business investors and soldiers who had helped him perform his expeditions. The 'Act for the Attainder of the Rebels in Ireland' of 17 September 1656 is part of this programme. The land of rebels is attained and 'rebels' are defined in such a way that all Catholics match. By the end of 1656 four fifths of the Irish land was in Protestant hands." and in Ireland itself he is widely hated.

Early years: 1599–1640

Relatively few sources survive which tell us about the first forty years of Oliver Cromwell's life. He was born at Cromwell House in Huntingdon on 25 April 1599, to Robert Cromwell (c.1560-1617) and Elizabeth Steward. He was descended from Catherine Cromwell (born circa 1482), an older sister of Tudor statesman Thomas Cromwell. Catherine was married to Morgan ap Williams, son of William ap Yevan of Wales and Joan Tudor (reportedly a granddaughter of Owen Tudor, which would make Oliver Cromwell a Tudor, a distant cousin of his Stuart foes). Note the Welsh dragon in the Commonwealth coat of arms shown below. The family line continued through Richard Cromwell (c. 1500–1544), Henry Cromwell (c. 1524–6 January 1604), then to Oliver's father Robert Cromwell (c. 1560–1617), who married Elizabeth Steward or Stewart (1564–1654) on the day of Oliver Cromwell's birth. Thomas thus was Oliver's great-great-great-uncle.

The social status of Cromwell's family at his birth was relatively low within the gentry class. His father was a younger son, and one of 10 siblings who survived into adulthood. As a result, Robert's inheritance was limited to a house at Huntingdon and a small amount of land. This land would have generated an income of up to £300 a year, near the bottom of the range of gentry incomes. Cromwell himself, much later in 1654, said "I was by birth a gentleman, living neither in considerable height, nor yet in obscurity".

Records survive of Cromwell's baptism on 29 April 1599 at St. John's Church, and his attendance at Huntingdon Grammar School. He went on to study at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, which was then a recently founded college with a strong puritan ethos. He left in June 1617 without taking a degree, immediately after the death of his father. Early biographers claim he then attended Lincoln's Inn, but there is no record of him in the Inn's archives. He is more likely to have returned home to Huntingdon, for his mother was widowed and his seven sisters were unmarried, and he, therefore, was needed to help his family.

On 22 August 1620 at St Giles-without-Cripplegate, London, Cromwell married Elizabeth Bourchier (1598–1665). They had nine children:

• Robert (1621-1639), died while away at school.
• Oliver (1622-1644), died of typhoid fever while serving as a Parliamentarian officer.
• Bridget (1624-1681), married (1) Henry Ireton, (2) Charles Fleetwood.
• Richard (1626-1712), his father's successor as Lord Protector.
• Henry (1628-1674), later Lord Deputy of Ireland.
• Elizabeth(1629-1658), married John Claypole.
• James (b. & d. 1632), died in infancy.
• Mary (1637-1713), married Thomas Belasyse, 1st Earl Fauconberg.
• Frances (1638-1720), married (1) Robert Rich, (2) Sir John Russell, 3rd Baronet.

Elizabeth's father, Sir James Bourchier, was a London leather merchant who owned extensive land in Essex and had strong connections with puritan gentry families there. The marriage brought Cromwell into contact with Oliver St John and also with leading members of the London merchant community, and behind them the influence of the earls of Warwick and Holland. Membership in this influential network would prove crucial to Cromwell’s military and political career. At this stage, though, there is little evidence of Cromwell’s own religion. His letter in 1626 to Henry Downhall, an Arminian minister, suggests that Cromwell had yet to be influenced by radical puritanism. However, there is evidence that Cromwell went through a period of personal crisis during the late 1620s and early 1630s. He sought treatment for valde melancolicus (depression) from London doctor Theodore de Mayerne in 1628. He was also caught up in a fight among the gentry of Huntingdon over a new charter for the town, as a result of which he was called before the Privy Council in 1630.

In 1631 Cromwell sold most of his properties in Huntingdon — probably as a result of the dispute — and moved to a farmstead in St Ives. This was a major step down in society compared to his previous position, and seems to have had a major emotional and spiritual impact. A 1638 letter survives from Cromwell to his cousin, the wife of Oliver St John, and gives an account of his spiritual awakening. The letter outlines how, having been the "the chief of sinners", Cromwell had been called to be among "the congregation of the firstborn". The language of this letter, which is saturated with biblical quotations and which represents Cromwell as having been saved from sin by God's mercy, places his faith firmly within the Independent beliefs that the Reformation had not gone far enough, that much of England was still living in sin, and that Catholic beliefs and practices needed to be fully removed from the church.

In 1636, Cromwell inherited control of various properties in Ely from his uncle on his mother's side, as well as that uncle's job as tithe collector for Ely Cathedral. As a result, his income is likely to have risen to around £300-400 per year; and, by the end of the 1630s, Cromwell had returned to the ranks of acknowledged gentry. He had become a committed puritan and had also established important family links to leading families in London and Essex.

Member of Parliament: 1628–1629 and 1640–1642

Cromwell became the Member of Parliament for Huntingdon in the Parliament of 1628–1629, as a client of the Montagus. He made little impression: records for the Parliament show only one speech (against the Arminian Bishop Richard Neile), which was poorly received. After dissolving this Parliament, Charles I ruled without a Parliament for the next eleven years. When Charles faced the Scottish rebellion known as the Bishops' Wars, shortage of funds forced him to call a Parliament again in 1640. Cromwell was returned to this Parliament as member for Cambridge, but it lasted for only three weeks and became known as the Short Parliament.

A second Parliament was called later the same year. This was to become known as the Long Parliament. Cromwell was again returned to this Parliament as member for Cambridge. As with the Parliament of 1628-9, it is likely that Cromwell owed his position to the patronage of others, which would explain the fact that in the first week of the Parliament he was in charge of presenting a petition for the release of John Lilburne, who had become a puritan martyr after being arrested for importing religious tracts from Holland. Otherwise it is unlikely that a relatively unknown member would have been given this task. For the first two years of the Long Parliament, Cromwell was linked to the godly group of aristocrats in the House of Lords and Members of the House of Commons with which he had already established familial and religious links in the 1630s, such as the Earls of Essex, Warwick and Bedford, Oliver St John, and Viscount Saye and Sele. At this stage, the group had an agenda of godly reformation: the executive checked by regular parliaments, and the moderate extension of liberty of conscience. Cromwell appears to have taken a role in some of this group's political manoeuvres. In May 1641, for example, it was Cromwell who put forward the second reading of the Annual Parliaments Bill, and who later took a role in drafting the Root and Branch Bill for the abolition of episcopacy.

Military commander: 1642–1646

Failure to resolve the issues before the Long Parliament led to armed conflict between Parliament and Charles I in the autumn of 1642. Before joining Parliament's forces, Cromwell's only military experience was in the trained bands, the local county militia. Now 43 years old, he recruited a cavalry troop in Cambridgeshire after blocking a shipment of silver from Cambridge colleges that was meant for the king. Cromwell and his troop then fought at the indecisive Battle of Edgehill on 23 October 1642. The troop was recruited to be a full regiment in the winter of 1642/43, making up part of the Eastern Association under the Earl of Manchester. Cromwell gained experience and victories in a number of successful actions in East Anglia in 1643, notably at the Battle of Gainsborough on 28 July. After this he was made governor of Ely and made a colonel in the Eastern Association.

By the time of the Battle of Marston Moor in July 1644, Cromwell had risen to the rank of Lieutenant General of horse in Manchester's army. The success of his cavalry in breaking the ranks of the Royalist horse and then attacking their infantry from the rear at Marston Moor was a major factor in the Parliamentarian victory in the battle. Cromwell fought at the head of his troops in the battle and was wounded in the head. Cromwell's nephew, Valentine Walton, was killed at Marston Moor, and Cromwell wrote a famous letter to the soldier's father, Cromwell's brother-in-law, telling him of the soldier's death. Marston Moor secured the north of England for the Parliamentarians, but failed to end Royalist resistance.

The indecisive outcome of the second Battle of Newbury in October meant that by the end of 1644, the war still showed no signs of ending. Cromwell's experience at Newbury, where Manchester had let the King's army slip out of an encircling manoeuvre, led to a serious dispute with Manchester, whom he believed to be less than enthusiastic in his conduct of the war. Manchester later accused Cromwell of recruiting men of "low birth" as officers in the army, to which he replied: "If you choose godly honest men to be captains of horse, honest men will follow them... I would rather have a plain russet-coated captain who knows what he fights for and loves what he knows than that which you call a gentleman and is nothing else". At this time, Cromwell also fell into dispute with Major-General Lawrence Crawford, a Scottish Covenanter Presbyterian attached to Manchester's army, who objected to Cromwell's encouragement of unorthodox Independents and Anabaptists. Cromwell's differences with the Scots, at that time allies of the Parliament, would later develop into outright enmity in 1648 and in 1650-51. Partly in response to the failure to capitalise on their victory at Marston Moor, Parliament passed the Self-Denying Ordinance in early 1645. This forced members of the House of Commons and the Lords, such as Manchester, to choose between civil office and military command. All of them — with the exception of Cromwell, whose commission was given continued extensions and was allowed to remain in parliament — chose to renounce their military positions. The Ordinance also decreed that the army be "remodeled" on a national basis, replacing the old county associations. In April 1645 the New Model Army finally took to the field, with Sir Thomas Fairfax in command and Cromwell as Lieutenant-General of cavalry, and second-in-command. By this time, the Parliamentarian's field army outnumbered the King's by roughly two to one. At the Battle of Naseby in June 1645, the New Model smashed the King's major army. Cromwell led his wing with great success at Naseby, again routing the Royalist cavalry. At the Battle of Langport on 10 July, Cromwell participated in the defeat of the last sizable Royalist field army. Naseby and Langport effectively ended the King's hopes of victory and the subsequent Parliamentarian campaigns involved taking the remaining fortified Royalist positions in the west of England. In October 1645, Cromwell besieged and took Basing House, later to be accused of killing a hundred of its three-hundred-man Royalist garrison there after its surrender. Cromwell also took part in sieges at Bridgwater, Sherborne, Bristol, Devizes, and Winchester, then spent the first half of 1646 mopping up resistance in Devon and Cornwall. Charles I surrendered to the Scots on 5 May 1646, effectively ending the First English Civil War. Cromwell and Fairfax took the formal surrender of the Royalists at Oxford in June.

Cromwell had no formal training in military tactics, and followed the common practice of ranging his cavalry in three ranks and pressing forward. This method relied on impact rather than firepower. His strengths were in an instinctive ability to lead and train his men, and in his moral authority. In a war fought mostly by amateurs, these strengths were significant and are likely to have contributed to the discipline of his cavalry.

Politics: 1647–1649

In February 1647 Cromwell suffered from an illness that kept him out of political life for over a month. By the time of his recovery, the Parliamentarians were split over the issue of the king. A majority in both Houses pushed for a settlement that would pay off the Scottish army, disband much of the New Model Army, and restore Charles I in return for a Presbyterian settlement of the Church. Cromwell rejected the Scottish model of Presbyterianism, which threatened to replace one authoritarian hierarchy with another. The New Model Army, radicalised by the failure of the Parliament to pay the wages it was owed, petitioned against these changes, but the Commons declared the petition unlawful. During May 1647, Cromwell was sent to the army's headquarters in Saffron Walden to negotiate with them, but failed to reach agreement. In June 1647, a troop of cavalry under Cornet George Joyce seized the king from Parliament's imprisonment. Although Cromwell is known to have met with Joyce on 31 May, it is impossible to be sure what Cromwell's role in this event was.

Cromwell and Henry Ireton then drafted a manifesto — the "Heads of Proposals" — designed to check the powers of the executive, set up regularly elected parliaments, and restore a non-compulsory Episcopalian settlement. Many in the army, such as the Levellers led by John Lilburne, thought this was insufficient, demanding full political equality for all men, leading to tense debates in Putney during the autumn of 1647 between Fairfax, Cromwell and Ireton on the one hand, and radical Levellers like Colonel Rainsborough on the other. The Putney Debates ultimately broke up without reaching a resolution. The debates, and the escape of Charles I from Hampton Court on 12 November, are likely to have hardened Cromwell's resolve against the king.

The failure to conclude a political agreement with the king eventually led to the outbreak of the Second English Civil War in 1648, when the King tried to regain power by force of arms. Cromwell first put down a Royalist uprising in south Wales led by Rowland Laugharne, winning back Chepstow Castle on May 25 and six days later forcing the surrender of Tenby. The castle at Carmarthen was destroyed by burning. The much stronger castle at Pembroke, however, fell only after a siege of eight weeks. Cromwell dealt leniently with the ex-royalist soldiers, less so with those who had previously been members of the parliamentary army, with John Poyer eventually being executed in London after the drawing of lots.

Cromwell then marched north to deal with a pro-Royalist Scottish army (the Engagers) who had invaded England. At Preston, Cromwell, in sole command for the first time with an army of 9,000, won a brilliant victory against an army twice that size.

During 1648, Cromwell's letters and speeches started to become heavily based on biblical imagery, many of them meditations on the meaning of particular passages. For example, after the battle of Preston, study of Psalms 17 and 105 led him to tell Parliament that "they that are implacable and will not leave troubling the land may be speedily destroyed out of the land". A letter to Oliver St John in September 1648 urged him to read Isaiah 8, in which the kingdom falls and only the godly survive. This letter suggests that it was Cromwell's faith, rather than a commitment to radical politics, coupled with Parliament's decision to engage in negotiations with the king at the Treaty of Newport, that convinced him that God had spoken against both the king and Parliament as lawful authorities. For Cromwell, the army was now God's chosen instrument. The episode shows Cromwell’s firm belief in "Providentialism"—that God was actively directing the affairs of the world, through the actions of "chosen people" (whom God had "provided" for such purposes). Cromwell believed, during the Civil Wars, that he was one of these people, and he interpreted victories as indications of God's approval of his actions, and defeats as signs that God was directing him in another direction.

In December 1648, those MPs who wished to continue negotiations with the king were prevented from sitting by a troop of soldiers headed by Colonel Thomas Pride, an episode soon to be known as Pride's Purge. Thus gerrymandered, the remaining body of MPs, known as the Rump, agreed that Charles should be tried on a charge of treason. Cromwell was still in the north of England, dealing with Royalist resistance when these events took place. However, after he returned to London, on the day after Pride's Purge, he became a determined supporter of those pushing for the king's trial and execution. He believed that killing Charles was the only way to bring the civil wars to an end. The death warrant for Charles was eventually signed by 59 of the trying court's members, including Cromwell (who was the third to sign it); Fairfax conspicuously refused to sign. Charles was executed on 30 January 1649.

Establishment of the Commonwealth: 1649

After the execution of the King, a republic was declared, known as the Commonwealth of England. The Rump Parliament exercised both executive and legislative powers, with a smaller Council of State also having some executive functions. Cromwell remained a member of the Rump and was appointed a member of the Council. In the early months after the execution of Charles I, Cromwell tried but failed to unite the original group of 'Royal Independents' centred around St John and Saye and Sele, which had fractured during 1648. Cromwell had been connected to this group since before the outbreak of war in 1642 and had been closely associated with them during the 1640s. However, only St John was persuaded to retain his seat in Parliament. The Royalists, meanwhile, had regrouped in Ireland, having signed a treaty with the Irish Confederate Catholics. In March, Cromwell was chosen by the Rump to command a campaign against them. Preparations for an invasion of Ireland occupied Cromwell in the subsequent months. After quelling Leveller mutinies within the English army at Andover and Burford in May, Cromwell departed for Ireland from Bristol at the end of July.

Irish Campaign: 1649–1650

See also: Irish Confederate Wars and Cromwellian conquest of Ireland

Cromwell led a Parliamentary invasion of Ireland from 1649–50. Parliament's key opposition was the military threat posed by the alliance of the Irish Confederate Catholics and English royalists (signed in 1649). The Confederate-Royalist alliance was judged to be the biggest single threat facing the Commonwealth. However, the political situation in Ireland in 1649 was extremely fractured: there were also separate forces of Irish Catholics who were opposed to the royalist alliance, and Protestant royalist forces that were gradually moving towards Parliament. Cromwell said in a speech to the army Council on 23 March that "I had rather be overthrown by a Cavalierish interest than a Scotch interest; I had rather be overthrown by a Scotch interest than an Irish interest and I think of all this is the most dangerous".

Cromwell's hostility to the Irish was religious as well as political. He was passionately opposed to the Roman Catholic Church, which he saw as denying the primacy of the Bible in favour of papal and clerical authority, and which he blamed for suspected tyranny and persecution of Protestants in Europe. Cromwell's association of Catholicism with persecution was deepened with the Irish Rebellion of 1641. This rebellion, although intended to be bloodless, was marked by massacres of English and Scottish Protestant settlers by Irish and Old English, and Gallowglass Scot Catholics in Ireland (these settlers had settled on land seized from former, native Catholic owners to make way for the non-native Protestants). These factors contributed to Cromwell's harshness in his military campaign in Ireland.

Parliament had planned to re-conquer Ireland since 1641 and had already sent an invasion force there in 1647. Cromwell's invasion of 1649 was much larger and, with the civil war in England over, could be regularly reinforced and re-supplied. His nine month military campaign was brief and effective, though it did not end the war in Ireland. Before his invasion, Parliamentarian forces held only outposts in Dublin and Derry. When he departed Ireland, they occupied most of the eastern and northern parts of the country. After his landing at Dublin on 15 August 1649 (itself only recently defended from an Irish and English Royalist attack at the battle of Rathmines), Cromwell took the fortified port towns of Drogheda and Wexford to secure logistical supply from England. At the siege of Drogheda in September 1649, Cromwell's troops massacred nearly 3,500 people after the town's capture—comprising around 2,700 Royalist soldiers and all the men in the town carrying arms, including some civilians, prisoners, and Roman Catholic priests. At the Siege of Wexford in October, another massacre took place under confused circumstances. While Cromwell himself was trying to negotiate surrender terms, some of his soldiers broke into the town, killed 2,000 Irish troops and up to 1,500 civilians, and burned much of the town.

After the fall of Drogheda, Cromwell sent a column north to Ulster to secure the north of the country and went on to besiege Waterford, Kilkenny and Clonmel in Ireland's south-east. Kilkenny surrendered on terms, as did many other towns like New Ross and Carlow, but Cromwell failed to take Waterford and at the siege of Clonmel in May 1650, he lost up to 2,000 men in abortive assaults before the town surrendered. One of his major victories in Ireland was diplomatic rather than military. With the help of Roger Boyle, 1st Earl of Orrery, Cromwell persuaded the Protestant Royalist troops in Cork to change sides and fight with the Parliament At this point, word reached Cromwell that Charles II had landed in Scotland and been proclaimed king by the Covenanter regime. Cromwell therefore returned to England from Youghal on 26 May 1650 to counter this threat.

The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland dragged on for almost three years after Cromwell's departure. The campaigns under Cromwell's successors Henry Ireton and Edmund Ludlow mostly consisted of long sieges of fortified cities and guerrilla warfare in the countryside. The last Catholic held town, Galway, surrendered in April 1652 and the last Irish troops capitulated in April of the following year.

In the wake of the Commonwealth's conquest, the public practice of Catholicism was banned and Catholic priests were murdered when captured. In addition, roughly 12,000 Irish people were sold into slavery under the Commonwealth. All Catholic-owned land was confiscated in the Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652 and given to Scottish and English settlers, the Parliament's financial creditors and Parliamentary soldiers. The remaining Catholic landowners were allocated poorer land in the province of Connacht - this led to the Cromwellian attributed phrase "To hell or to Connacht". Under the Commonwealth, Catholic landownership dropped from 60% of the total to just 8%.

Debate over Cromwell's effect on Ireland

The extent of Cromwell's brutality in Ireland has been strongly debated. Cromwell never accepted that he was responsible for the killing of civilians in Ireland, claiming that he had acted harshly, but only against those "in arms". In September 1649, he justified his sack of Drogheda as revenge for the massacres of Protestant settlers in Ulster in 1641, calling the massacre "the righteous judgement of God on these barbarous wretches, who have imbued their hands with so much innocent blood." However, Drogheda had never been held by the rebels in 1641—many of its garrison were in fact English royalists. On the other hand, the worst atrocities committed in Ireland, such as mass evictions, killings and deportation of over 50,000 men, women and children for indentured labour to Bermuda and Barbados, were carried out under the command of other generals after Cromwell had left for England. On entering Ireland, Cromwell demanded that no supplies were to be seized from the civilian inhabitants, and that everything should be fairly purchased; "I do hereby warn....all Officers, Soldiers and others under my command not to do any wrong or violence toward Country People or any persons whatsoever, unless they be actually in arms or office with the enemy.....as they shall answer to the contrary at their utmost peril." Several English soldiers were hanged for disobeying these orders.

While the massacres at Drogheda and Wexford were in some ways typical of the day, especially in the context of the recently ended Thirty Years War which reduced the male population of Germany by up to half, there are few comparable incidents during Parliament's campaigns in England or Scotland. One possible comparison is Cromwell's siege of Basing House in 1645 - the seat of the prominent Catholic the Marquess of Winchester - which resulted in about 300 of the garrison of 1,200 being killed after being refused quarter. Contemporaries also reported civilian casualties. However, the scale of the deaths at Basing House was much smaller. Cromwell himself said of the slaughter at Drogheda in his first letter back to the Council of State: "I believe we put to the sword the whole number of the defendants. I do not think thirty of the whole number escaped with their lives." Cromwell's orders — "in the heat of the action, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town" — followed a request for surrender at the start of the siege, which was refused. The military protocol of the day was that a town or garrison that rejected the chance to surrender was not entitled to quarter. The refusal of the garrison at Drogheda to do this, even after the walls had been breached, was to Cromwell justification for the massacre. Where Cromwell negotiated the surrender of fortified towns, as at Carlow, New Ross, and Clonmel, he respected the terms of surrender and protected the lives and property of the townspeople. At Wexford, Cromwell again began negotiations for surrender. However, the captain of Wexford castle surrendered during the middle of the negotiations, and in the confusion some of his troops began indiscriminate killing and looting. Amateur Irish historian (and Drogheda native) Tom Reilly has taken this argument further, claiming that the accepted versions of the campaigns in Drogheda and Wexford in which wholesale killings of civilians on Cromwell's orders took place "were a 19th century fiction". However, Reilly's conclusions have been rejected by some other scholars.

Although Cromwell's time spent on campaign in Ireland was limited, and although he did not take on executive powers until 1653, he is often the central focus of wider debates about whether, as historians such as Mark Levene and John Morrill suggest, the Commonwealth conducted a deliberate programme of ethnic cleansing in Ireland.Citations for genocide, near genocide and ethnic cleansing:

• Albert Breton (Editor, 1995). Nationalism and Rationality. Cambridge University Press 1995. Page 248. "Oliver Cromwell offered Irish Catholics a choice between genocide and forced mass population transfer"
• Ukrainian Quarterly. Ukrainian Society of America 1944. "Therefore, we are entitled to accuse the England of Oliver Cromwell of the genocide of the Irish civilian population.."
• David Norbrook (2000).Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627-1660. Cambridge University Press. 2000. In interpreting Andrew Marvell's contemporarily expressed views on Cromwell Norbrook says; "He (Cromwell) laid the foundation for a ruthless programme of resettling the Irish Catholics which amounted to large scale ethnic cleansing."
• Alan Axelrod (2002). Profiles in Leadership, Prentice-Hall. 2002. Page 122. "As a leader Cromwell was entirely unyielding. He was willing to act on his beliefs, even if this meant killing the king and perpetrating, against the Irish, something very nearly approaching genocide"
• John Morrill (2003). Rewriting Cromwell - A Case of Deafening Silences, Canadian Journal of History. December 2003. "Of course, this has never been the Irish view of Cromwell.
  
  
  Most Irish remember him as the man responsible for the mass slaughter of civilians at Drogheda and Wexford and as the agent of the greatest episode of ethnic cleansing ever attempted in Western Europe as, within a decade, the percentage of land possessed by Catholics born in Ireland dropped from sixty to twenty.
  
  In a decade, the ownership of two-fifths of the land mass was transferred from several thousand Irish Catholic landowners to British Protestants.
  
  The gap between Irish and the English views of the seventeenth-century conquest remains unbridgeable and is governed by O.K.
  
  Chesterton's mirthless epigram of 1917, that "it was a tragic necessity that the Irish should remember it; but it was far more tragic that the English forgot it."
  
• James M Lutz, Brenda J Lutz, (2004). Global Terrorism, Routledge:London, p.193: "The draconian laws applied by Oliver Cromwell in Ireland were an early version of ethnic cleansing. The Catholic Irish were to be expelled to the northwestern areas of the island. Relocation rather than extermination was the goal."
• Mark Levene (2005). Genocide in the Age of the Nation State: Volume 2. ISBN 978-1845110574 Page 55, 56 & 57. A sample quote describes the Cromwellian campaign and settlement as "a conscious attempt to reduce a distinct ethnic population".
• Mark Levene (2005). Genocide in the Age of the Nation-State, I.B.Tauris: London:

  [The Act of Settlement of Ireland], and the parliamentary legislation which succeeded it the following year, is the nearest thing on paper in the English, and more broadly British, domestic record, to a programme of state-sanctioned and systematic ethnic cleansing of another people.

  The fact that it did not include 'total' genocide in its remit, or that it failed to put into practice the vast majority of its proposed expulsions, ultimately, however, says less about the lethal determination of its makers and more about the political, structural and financial weakness of the early modern English state.

  By the end of the Cromwellian campaign and settlement there had been extensive dispossession of landowners who were Catholic, and a huge drop in population.

The sieges of Drogheda and Wexford have been prominently mentioned in histories and literature up to the present day. James Joyce, for example, mentioned Drogheda in his novel Ulysses: "What about sanctimonious Cromwell and his ironsides that put the women and children of Drogheda to the sword with the bible text God is love pasted round the mouth of his cannon?" Similarly, Winston Churchill described the impact of Cromwell on Anglo-Irish relations:

...upon all of these Cromwell's record was a lasting bane.

By an uncompleted process of terror, by an iniquitous land settlement, by the virtual proscription of the Catholic religion, by the bloody deeds already described, he cut new gulfs between the nations and the creeds.

'Hell or Connaught' were the terms he thrust upon the native inhabitants, and they for their part, across three hundred years, have used as their keenest expression of hatred 'The Curse of Cromwell on you.' ...

Upon all of us there still lies 'the curse of Cromwell'."

Cromwell is still a figure of hatred in Ireland, his name being associated with massacre, religious persecution, and mass dispossession of the Catholic community there. As Churchill notes, a traditional Irish curse was malacht Cromail ort or "the curse of Cromwell upon you".

The key surviving statement of Cromwell's own views on the conquest of Ireland is his Declaration of the lord lieutenant of Ireland for the undeceiving of deluded and seduced people of January 1650. In this he was scathing about Catholicism, saying that "I shall not, where I have the power... suffer the exercise of the Mass." However, he also declared that: "as for the people, what thoughts they have in the matter of religion in their own breasts I cannot reach; but I shall think it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to suffer for the same." Private soldiers who surrendered their arms "and shall live peaceably and honestly at their several homes, they shall be permitted so to do." As with many incidents in Cromwell's career, there is debate about the extent of his sincerity in making these public statements: the Rump Parliament's later Act of Settlement of 1652 set out a much harsher policy of execution and confiscation of property of anyone who had supported the uprisings.

Scottish Campaign: 1650–1651

Cromwell left Ireland in May 1650 and several months later, invaded Scotland after the Scots had proclaimed Charles I's son as Charles II. Cromwell was much less hostile to Scottish Presbyterians, some of whom had been his allies in the First English Civil War, than he was to Irish Catholics. He described the Scots asa people fearing His [God's] name, though deceived". He made a famous appeal to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, urging them to see the error of the royal alliance—"I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken." The Scots' reply was robust: "would you have us to be sceptics in our religion?" This decision to negotiate with Charles II led Cromwell to believe that war was necessary.

His appeal rejected, Cromwell's veteran troops went on to invade Scotland. At first, the campaign went badly, as Cromwell's men were short of supplies and held up at fortifications manned by Scottish troops under David Leslie. Cromwell was on the brink of evacuating his army by sea from Dunbar. However, on 3 September 1650, in an unexpected battle, Cromwell smashed the main Covenanter army at the Battle of Dunbar, killing 4,000 Scottish soldiers, taking another 10,000 prisoner and then capturing the Scottish capital of Edinburgh. The victory was of such a magnitude that Cromwell called it, "A high act of the Lord's Providence to us [and] one of the most signal mercies God hath done for England and His people". The following year, Charles II and his Scottish allies made a desperate attempt to invade England and capture London while Cromwell was engaged in Scotland. Cromwell followed them south and caught them at Worcester on 3 September 1651. At the subsequent Battle of Worcester, Cromwell's forces destroyed the last major Scottish Royalist army. Many of the Scottish prisoners of war taken in the campaigns died of disease, and others were sent to penal colonies in Barbados. In the final stages of the Scottish campaign, Cromwell's men, under George Monck, sacked the town of Dundee, killing up to 2,000 of its population of 12,000 and destroying the 60 ships in the city's harbour. During the Commonwealth, Scotland was ruled from England, and was kept under military occupation, with a line of fortifications sealing off the Highlands, which had provided manpower for Royalist armies in Scotland, from the rest of the country. The north west Highlands was the scene of another pro-royalist uprising in 1653-55, which was only put down with deployment of 6,000 English troops there. Presbyterianism was allowed to be practised as before, but the Kirk (the Scottish church) did not have the backing of the civil courts to impose its rulings, as it had previously.

Cromwell's conquest, unwelcome as it was, left no significant lasting legacy of bitterness in Scotland. The rule of the Commonwealth and Protectorate was, the Highlands aside, largely peaceful. Moreover, there was no wholesale confiscations of land or property. Three out of every four Justices of the Peace in Commonwealth Scotland were Scots and the country was governed jointly by the English military authorities and a Scottish Council of State. Although not often favourably regarded, Cromwell's name rarely meets the hatred in Scotland that it does in Ireland.

Return to England and dissolution of the Rump Parliament: 1651–1653

From the middle of 1649 until 1651, Cromwell was away on campaign. In the meantime, with the king gone (and with him their common cause), the various factions in Parliament began to engage in infighting. On his return, Cromwell tried to galvanise the Rump into setting dates for new elections, uniting the three kingdoms under one polity, and to put in place a broad-brush, tolerant national church. However, the Rump vacillated in setting election dates, and although it put in place a basic liberty of conscience, it failed to produce an alternative for tithes or dismantle other aspects of the existing religious settlement. In frustration, in April 1653 Cromwell demanded that the Rump establish a caretaker government of 40 members (drawn both from the Rump and the army) and then abdicate. However, the Rump returned to debating its own bill for a new government. Cromwell was so angered by this that on 20 April 1653, supported by about forty musketeers, he cleared the chamber and dissolved the Parliament by force. Several accounts exist of this incident: in one, Cromwell is supposed to have said "you are no Parliament, I say you are no Parliament; I will put an end to your sitting". At least two accounts agree that Cromwell snatched up the mace, symbol of Parliament's power, and demanded that the "bauble" be taken away. Cromwell's troops were commanded by Charles Worsley, later one of his Major Generals and one of his most trusted advisors, to whom he entrusted the mace.

The establishment of Barebone's Parliament: 1653

After the dissolution of the Rump, power passed temporarily to a council that debated what form the constitution should take. They took up the suggestion of Major-General Thomas Harrison for a "sanhedrin" of saints. Although Cromwell did not subscribe to Harrison's apocalyptic, Fifth Monarchist beliefs – which saw a sanhedrin as the starting point for Christ's rule on earth – he was attracted by the idea of an assembly made up of men chosen for their religious credentials. In his speech at the opening of the assembly on 4 July 1653, Cromwell thanked God’s providence that he believed had brought England to this point and set out their divine mission: "truly God hath called you to this work by, I think, as wonderful providences as ever passed upon the sons of men in so short a time." Sometimes known as the Parliament of Saints or more commonly the Nominated Assembly, it was also called the Barebone's Parliament after one of its members, Praise-God Barbon. The assembly was tasked with finding a permanent constitutional and religious settlement (Cromwell was invited to be a member but declined). However, the revelation that a considerably larger segment of the membership than had been believed were the radical Fifth Monarchists led to its members voting to dissolve it on 12 December 1653, out of fear of what the radicals might do if they took control of the Assembly.

The Protectorate: 1653–1658

After the dissolution of the Barebones Parliament, John Lambert put forward a new constitution known as the Instrument of Government, closely modelled on the Heads of Proposals. It made Cromwell Lord Protector for life to undertake “the chief magistracy and the administration of government”. Cromwell was sworn in as Lord Protector on 16 December 1653, with a ceremony in which he wore plain black clothing, rather than any monarchical regalia. However, from this point on Cromwell signed his name 'Oliver P', standing for Oliver Protector - in a similar style to that used by English monarchs - and it soon became the norm for others to address him as "Your highness". As Protector, he had the power to call and dissolve parliaments but was obliged under the Instrument to seek the majority vote of a Council of State. Nevertheless, Cromwell's power was buttressed by his continuing popularity among the army. As the Lord Protector he was paid £100,000 a year.

Cromwell had two key objectives as Lord Protector. The first was "healing and settling" the nation after the chaos of the civil wars and the regicide, which meant establishing a stable form for the new government to take. Although Cromwell declared to the first Protectorate Parliament that, "Government by one man and a parliament is fundamental," in practice social priorities took precedence over forms of government. Such forms were, he said, "but... dross and dung in comparison of Christ". The social priorities did not, despite the revolutionary nature of the government, include any meaningful attempt to reform the social order. Cromwell declared, "A nobleman, a gentleman, a yeoman; the distinction of these: that is a good interest of the nation, and a great one!", Small-scale reform such as that carried out on the judicial system were outweighed by attempts to restore order to English politics. Direct taxation was reduced slightly and peace was made with the Dutch, ending the First Anglo-Dutch War.

England's American colonies in this period consisted of the New England Confederation, the Virginia Colony and the Maryland Colony. Cromwell soon secured the submission of these and largely left them to their own affairs, intervening only to curb his fellow Puritans who were usurping control over the Maryland Colony, by his confirming the former Catholic proprietorship and edict of tolerance there. Of all the English dominions, Virginia was the most resentful of Cromwell's rule, and Cavalier emigration there mushroomed during the Protectorate.

Cromwell famously stressed the quest to restore order in his speech to the first Protectorate parliament at its inaugural meeting on 3 September 1654. He declared that "healing and settling" were the "great end of your meeting". However, the Parliament was quickly dominated by those pushing for more radical, properly republican reforms. After some initial gestures approving appointments previously made by Cromwell, the Parliament began to work on a radical programme of constitutional reform. Rather than opposing Parliament’s bill, Cromwell dissolved them on 22 January 1655.

Cromwell's second objective was spiritual and moral reform. He aimed to restore liberty of conscience and promote both outward and inly godliness throughout England. During the early months of the Protectorate, a set of "triers" was established to assess the suitability of future parish ministers, and a related set of "ejectors" was set up to dismiss ministers and schoolmasters who were deemed unsuitable for office. The triers and the ejectors were intended to be at the vanguard of Cromwell's reform of parish worship. This second objective is also the context in which to see the constitutional experiment of the Major Generals that followed the dissolution of the first Protectorate Parliament. After a royalist uprising in March 1655, led by Sir John Penruddock, Cromwell (influenced by Lambert) divided England into military districts ruled by Army Major Generals who answered only to him. The 15 major generals and deputy major generals—called "godly governors"—were central not only to national security, but Cromwell's crusade to reform the nation's morals. The generals not only supervised militia forces and security commissions, but collected taxes and ensured support for the government in the English and Welsh provinces. Commissioners for securing the peace of the commonwealth were appointed to work with them in every county. While a few of these commissioners were career politicians, most were zealous puritans who welcomed the major-generals with open arms and embraced their work with enthusiasm. However, the major-generals lasted less than a year. Many feared they threatened their reform efforts and authority. Their position was further harmed by a tax proposal by Major General John Desborough to provide financial backing for their work, which the second Protectorate parliament—instated in September 1656—voted down for fear of a permanent military state. Ultimately, however, Cromwell's failure to support his men, sacrificing them to his opponents, caused their demise. Their activities between November 1655 and September 1656 had, however, reopened the wounds of the 1640s and deepened antipathies to the regime.

[[Image:cromwellcoin.jpg|thumb|Half-Crown coin of Oliver Cromwell, 1658. The Latin inscription reads: OLIVAR.D.G.RP.ANG.- SCO.ET.HIB&cPRO (OLIVARIUS DEI GRATIA REIPUBLICAE ANGLIAE SCOTIAE ET HIBERNIAE ET CETERORUM PROTECTOR), meaning "Oliver, by the Grace of God Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland and other (territories)". ]]

As Lord Protector, Cromwell was aware of the contribution the Jewish community made to the economic success of Holland, now England's leading commercial rival. It was this—allied to Cromwell’s toleration of the right to private worship of those who fell outside evangelical puritanism—that led to his encouraging Jews to return to England in 1657, over 350 years after their banishment by Edward I, in the hope that they would help speed up the recovery of the country after the disruption of the Civil Wars.

In 1657, Cromwell was offered the crown by Parliament as part of a revised constitutional settlement, presenting him with a dilemma, since he had been "instrumental" in abolishing the monarchy. Cromwell agonised for six weeks over the offer. He was attracted by the prospect of stability it held out, but in a speech on 13 April 1657 he made clear that God's providence had spoken against the office of king: “I would not seek to set up that which Providence hath destroyed and laid in the dust, and I would not build Jericho again”. The reference to Jericho harks back to a previous occasion on which Cromwell had wrestled with his conscience when the news reached England of the defeat of an expedition against the Spanish-held island of Hispaniola in the West Indies in 1655—comparing himself to Achan, who had brought the Israelites defeat after bringing plunder back to camp after the capture of Jericho.Instead, Cromwell was ceremonially re-installed as Lord Protector on 26 June 1657 (with greater powers than had previously been granted him under this title) at Westminster Hall, sitting upon King Edward's Chair which was specially moved from Westminster Abbey for the occasion. The event in part echoed a coronation, utilising many of its symbols and regalia, such as a purple ermine-lined robe, a sword of justice and a sceptre (but not a crown or an orb). But, most notably, the office of Lord Protector was still not to become hereditary, though Cromwell was now able to nominate his own successor. Cromwell's new rights and powers were laid out in the Humble Petition and Advice, a legislative instrument which replaced the Instrument of Government. Despite failing to restore the Crown, this new constitution did set up many of the vestiges of the ancient constitution including a pseudo-House of Lords known as the 'Other House' of Parliament. Furthermore, Oliver Cromwell increasingly took on more of the trappings of monarchy. In particular, he created two baronages after the acceptance of the Humble Petition and Advice- Charles Howard was made Viscount Morpeth and Baron Gisland in July 1657 and Edmund Dunch was created Baron Burnell of East Wittenham in April 1658. Cromwell himself, however, was at pains to minimise his role, describing himself as a constable or watchman.

Death and posthumous execution

Cromwell is thought to have suffered from malaria (probably first contracted while on campaign in Ireland) and from "stone", a common term for urinary/kidney infections. In 1658 he was struck by a sudden bout of malarial fever, followed directly by an attack of urinary/kidney symptoms. A Venetian physician tracked Cromwell's final illness, saying Cromwell's personal physicians were mismanaging his health, leading to a rapid decline and death. The decline may also have been hastened by the death of his favourite daughter, Elizabeth Claypole, in August at the age of 29. He died at Whitehall on Friday 3 September 1658, the anniversary of his great victories at Dunbar and Worcester. The most likely cause of Cromwell's death was septicaemia following his urinary infection. He was buried with great ceremony, with an elaborate funeral based on that of James I, at Westminster Abbey, his daughter Elizabeth also being buried there.

He was succeeded as Lord Protector by his son Richard. Although Richard was not entirely without ability, he had no power base in either Parliament or the Army, and was forced to resign in May 1659, bringing the Protectorate to an end. There was no clear leadership from the various factions that jostled for power during the short lived reinstated Commonwealth, so George Monck, the English governor of Scotland, at the head of New Model Army regiments was able to march on London, and restore the Long Parliament. Under Monck's watchful eye the necessary constitutional adjustments were made so that in 1660 Charles II could be invited back from exile to be king under a restored monarchy.



In 1661, Oliver Cromwell's body was exhumed from Westminster Abbey, and was subjected to the ritual of a posthumous execution, as were the remains of John Bradshaw and Henry Ireton. (The body of Cromwell's daughter was allowed to remain buried in the Abbey.) Symbolically, this took place on 30 January; the same date that Charles I had been executed. His body was hanged in chains at Tyburn. Finally, his disinterred body was thrown into a pit, while his severed head was displayed on a pole outside Westminster Hall until 1685. Ironically the Cromwell vault was then used as a burial place for Charles II’s illegitimate descendants. Afterwards the head changed hands several times, including the sale in 1814 to a man named Josiah Henry Wilkinson, before eventually being buried in the grounds of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, in 1960.

Political reputation

During his lifetime, some tracts painted him as a hypocrite motivated by power—for example, The Machiavilian Cromwell and The Juglers Discovered, both part of an attack on Cromwell by the Levellers after 1647, present him as a Machiavellian figure. More positive contemporary assessments—for instance, John Spittlehouse in A Warning Piece Discharged — typically compared him to Moses, rescuing the English by taking them safely through the Red Sea of the civil wars. Several biographies were published soon after his death. An example is The Perfect Politician, which described how Cromwell "loved men more than books" and gave a nuanced assessment of him as an energetic campaigner for liberty of conscience brought down by pride and ambition. An equally nuanced but less positive assessment was published in 1667 by Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England. Clarendon famously declared that Cromwell "will be looked upon by posterity as a brave bad man". He argued that Cromwell's rise to power had been helped not only by his great spirit and energy, but also by his ruthlessness. Clarendon was not one of Cromwell's confidantes, and his account was written after the Restoration of the monarchy.

During the early eighteenth century, Cromwell’s image began to be adopted and reshaped by the Whigs, as part of a wider project to give their political objectives historical legitimacy. A version of Edmund Ludlow’s Memoirs, re-written by John Toland to excise the radical Puritanical elements and replace them with a Whiggish brand of republicanism, presented the Cromwellian Protectorate as a military tyranny. Through Ludlow, Toland portrayed Cromwell as a despot who crushed the beginnings of democratic rule in the 1640s.

During the early nineteenth century, Cromwell began to be adopted by Romantic artists and poets. Thomas Carlyle continued this reassessment of Cromwell in the 1840s by presenting him as a hero in the battle between good and evil and a model for restoring morality to an age that Carlyle believed to have been dominated by timidity, meaningless rhetoric, and moral compromise. Cromwell's actions, including his campaigns in Ireland and his dissolution of the Long Parliament, according to Carlyle, had to be appreciated and praised as a whole.

By the late nineteenth century, Carlyle’s portrayal of Cromwell, stressing the centrality of puritan morality and earnestness, had become assimilated into Whig and Liberal historiography. The Oxford civil war historian Samuel Rawson Gardiner concluded that "the man—it is ever so with the noblest—was greater than his work". Gardiner stressed Cromwell’s dynamic and mercurial character, and his role in dismantling absolute monarchy, while underestimating Cromwell’s religious conviction. Cromwell’s foreign policy also provided an attractive forerunner of Victorian imperial expansion, with Gardiner stressing his “constancy of effort to make England great by land and sea”.

During the first half of the twentieth century, Cromwell's reputation was often influenced by the rise of fascism in Germany and Italy. Wilbur Cortez Abbott, for example—a Harvard historian—devoted much of his career to compiling and editing a multi-volume collection of Cromwell's letters and speeches. In the course of this work, which was published between 1937 and 1947, Abbott began to argue that Cromwell was a proto-fascist. However, subsequent historians such as John Morrill have criticised both Abbott's interpretation of Cromwell and his editorial approach. Ernest Barker similarly compared the Independents to the Nazis. Nevertheless, not all historical comparisons made at this time drew on contemporary military dictators.

Late twentieth century historians have re-examined the nature of Cromwell’s faith and of his authoritarian regime. Austin Woolrych explored the issue of "dictatorship" in depth, arguing that Cromwell was subject to two conflicting forces: his obligation to the army and his desire to achieve a lasting settlement by winning back the confidence of the political nation as a whole. Woolrych argued that the dictatorial elements of Cromwell's rule stemmed not so much from its military origins or the participation of army officers in civil government, as from his constant commitment to the interest of the people of God and his conviction that suppressing vice and encouraging virtue constituted the chief end of government.

Historians such as John Morrill, Blair Worden and J. C. Davis have developed this theme, revealing the extent to which Cromwell’s writing and speeches are suffused with biblical references, and arguing that his radical actions were driven by his zeal for godly reformation.

In popular culture

Cromwell's adoption by the French Romantic movement was typified by Victor Hugo's 1827 play Cromwell, often considered to be symbolic of the French romantic movement, which represents Cromwell as a ruthless yet dynamic Romantic hero. A similar impression of a world-changing individual with a strong will and personality was provided in 1831 in the picture by French artist Hippolyte Delaroche, depicting the legendary visit by Cromwell to the body of Charles I after the Kings' execution.

In Westminster Abbey the site of Cromwell's burial was marked, during the 19th century, by a floor stone, laid in what is now the Air Force Chapel, reading "THE BURIAL PLACE OF OLIVER CROMWELL 1658 - 1661"

In 1875, a statue of Cromwell by Matthew Noble was erected in Manchester outside the cathedral, a gift to the city by Mrs Abel Heywood in memory of her first husband. It was the first such large-scale statue to be erected in the open anywhere in England and was a realistic likeness, based on the painting by Peter Lely and showing Cromwell in battledress with drawn sword and leather body armour. The statue was unpopular with the local Conservatives and with the large Irish immigrant population alike. When Queen Victoria was invited to open the new Manchester Town Hall, she is alleged to have consented on condition that the statue of Cromwell be removed. The statue remained, Victoria declined, and the Town Hall was opened by the Lord Mayor. During the 1980s the statue was more appropriately relocated outside Wythenshawe Hall, which had been occupied by Cromwell and his troops.

During the 1890s plans to erect a statue of Cromwell outside Parliament caused considerable controversy. Pressure from the Irish Nationalist Party forced the withdrawal of a motion to seek public funding for the project and eventually it was funded privately by Lord Rosebery. In 2008 the statue was restored in time for the 350th anniversary of Cromwell's death.

A statue of Cromwell also stands outside The Academy in Bridge Street, Warrington, a historic building which is now home to the Warrington Guardian newspaper. Cromwell fought the battle of Warrington Bridge against Scottish Royalists in the town in 1648.

As First Lord of the Admiralty before the First World War, Winston Churchill suggested naming a British battleship "HMS Oliver Cromwell". The suggestion did not meet with royal approval.

In 1940 "Cromwell" was the codeword warning that German invasion of Britain was imminent.

1970 saw the release of the Ken Hughes film Cromwell starring Richard Harris in the leading role. "To Kill a King", a film of 2003 focussed on the relationship between Dougray Scott as Fairfax and Tim Roth as Cromwell, with Rupert Everett as King Charles I. Jack Shepherd's 2004 play Through a Cloud, set in 1656, imagines a meeting between Cromwell and John Milton.

Cromwell has also appeared in popular song, such as Elvis Costello's 1979 hit pop single "Oliver's Army". Irish Blood, English Heart, the 2004 single by Morrissey includes the lyrics: "I've been dreaming of a time when the English are sick to death of Labour and Tories / And spit upon the name Oliver Cromwell." The Pogues mention him in their song "Young Ned Of The Hill": "A curse upon you Oliver Cromwell / You who raped our Motherland". In their 2004 song, "Tobacco Island," Irish American punk band Flogging Molly also mentions Cromwell. A more light-hearted take on Cromwell's life and deeds Oliver Cromwell was released by Monty Python in 1989. Oliver Cromwell is one of the main characters in the Channel 4 TV miniseries The Devil's Whore, aired in 2008, played by Dominic West

Popular Australian fantasy author Kate Forsyth's made Oliver Cromwell in her series The Chain of Charms. Protagonist Alucard of the Japanese manga, Hellsing, refers to his power limitation system as the Cromwell Authorization System. In the The Adventures of Luther Arkwright, a comic book fantasy adventure spanning countless alternative universes, modern day England is a fascist theocracy ruled by a descendant of Cromwell.

"Cromwell Road" remains a popular street name in many British towns and cities, and towns in New Zealand and the United States have been named "Cromwell".

Footnotes

1. "Of all these doings in Cromwell's Irish Chapter, each of us may say what he will. Yet to everyone it will at least be intelligible how his name came to be hated in the tenacious heart of Ireland". John Morley, Biography of Oliver Cromwell. Page 298. 1900 and 2001. ISBN 978-1421267074.; "Cromwell is still a hate figure in Ireland today because of the brutal effectiveness of his campaigns in Ireland. Of course, his victories in Ireland made him a hero in Protestant England." [1] British National Archives web site. Accessed March 2007; [2] From a history site dedicated to the English Civil War. "... making Cromwell's name into one of the most hated in Irish history". Accessed March 2007. Site currently offline. WayBack Machine holds archive here [3]
2. ; From the Channel 4 History site: [4] "Cromwell's name has always been execrated by Irish Catholics for the massacre at Drogheda. He is also hated for the transplanting of Protestant settlers to Ireland, a policy established in the reign of Elizabeth I." Accessed March 2007.
3. Gaunt, p.31.
4. Speech to the First Protectorate Parliament, 4 September 1654, quoted in Roots, Ivan (1989). Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (Everyman's Classics), ISBN 0-460-01254-1, p.42.
5. British Civil Wars, Commonwealth and Proctectorate 1638-1660
6. Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p.24.
7. British Civil Wars, Commonwealthand Proctectorate 1638-1660
8. Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). Oliver Cromwell, ISBN 1-4179-4961-9, p.4; Gaunt, Peter (1996). Oliver Cromwell (Blackwell), ISBN 0-631-18356-6, p.23.
9. Morrill, p.34.
10. Morrill, pp.24–33.
11. Gaunt, p.34.
12. Morrill, pp.25-26.
13. Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, p.57.
14. Adamson, p.53.
15. Letter to Sir William Spring, September 1643, quoted in Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition). Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches, with elucidations, vol I, p.154; also quoted in Young and Holmes (2000). The English Civil War, (Wordsworth), ISBN 1840222220, p.107.
16. Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1638-1660 (Oxford University Press), ISBN 0-19-280278-X, p.141
17. Woolrych, Austin (1990). Cromwell as a soldier, in Morrill, pp.117–118.
18. Coward, pp.188-95.
19. Although there is debate over whether Cromwell and Ireton were the authors of the Heads of Proposals or acting on behalf of Saye and Sele: Adamson, John (1987). "The English Nobility and the Projected Settlement of 1647", in Historical Journal, 30, 3; Kishlansky, Mark (1990). "Saye What?" in Historical Journal 33, 4.
20. Woolrych, Austin (1987). Soldiers and Statesmen: the General Council of the Army and its Debates (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0-19-822752-3, ch.2–5.
21. Gardiner, pp.144–47; Gaunt (1997) 94-97.
22. Adamson, pp.76–84.
23. Quoted in Lenihan, Padraig (2000). Confederate Catholics at War (Cork University Press), ISBN 1-85918-244-5, p.115.
24. Fraser, pp.74-76.
25. Fraser, pp.326-328.
26. Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.98.
27. Fraser, Antonia (1973). Cromwell, Our Chief of Men, and Cromwell: the Lord Protector (Phoenix Press), ISBN 0-7538-1331-9 pp.344-46.
28. Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.100.
29. Fraser, pp.321-322; Lenihan, p.113.
30. Fraser, p.355.
31. Kenyon, Ohlmeyer, p.314.
32. Christopher Hill, 1972, God's Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the L English Revolution, Penguin Books: London, p.108: "The brutality of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland is not one of the pleasanter aspects of our hero's career ..."
33. Barry Coward, 1991, Oliver Cromwell, Pearson Education: Rugby, p.74: "Revenge was not Cromwell's only motive for the brutality he condoned at Wexford and Drogheda, but it was the dominant one ..."
34. Philip McKeiver, 2007, "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign"
35. Lenihan, p.1O22; "After Cromwell returned to England in 1650, the conflict degenerated into a grindingly slow counter insurgency campaign punctuated by some quite protracted sieges...the famine of 1651 onwards was a man made response to stubborn guerrilla warfare. Collective reprisals against the civilian population included forcing them out of designated 'no man's lands' and the systematic destruction of foodstuffs".
36. Reilly, Tom, Cromwell - An Honourable Enemy: The Untold Story of the Cromwellian Invasion of Ireland (2000).
37. Woolrych, Austin (1990). Cromwell as soldier, in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p. 112: "viewed in the context of the German wars that had just ended after thirty years of fighting, the massacres at Drogheda and Wexford shrink to typical casualties of seventeenth-century warfare".
38. J.C. Davis, Oliver Cromwell, pp. 108-110.
39. Abbott, Writings and Speeches, vol II, p.124.
40. Woolrych, Austin (1990). Cromwell as soldier, p. 111; Gaunt, p. 117.
41. Lenihan, p.168.
42. Gaunt, p.116.
43. Stevenson, Cromwell, Scotland and Ireland, in Morrill, p.151.
44. [5] "From the Author"..."The reaction - among the under forties on the whole - was good, but among historians and the over forties it was bad. They can't seem to accept that an amateur could discover such a fundamental flaw in Irish history, i.e. that neither Cromwell or his men ever engaged in the killing of any unarmed civilians throughout his entire nine month campaign."
45. John Morrill. "Rewriting Cromwell: A Case of Deafening Silences." Canadian Journal of History. December 2003: 19.
46. Frances Stewart (2000). War and Underdevelopment: Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict v. 1 (Queen Elizabeth House Series in Development Studies), Oxford University Press. 2000. "Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation, which was responsible for the majority of an estimated 600,000 deaths out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000."
47. Winston S. Churchill, 1957, A History of the English Speaking Peoples: The Age of Revolution, Dodd, Mead and Company: New York (p. 9): "We have seen the many ties which at one time or another have joined the inhabitants of the Western islands, and even in Ireland itself offered a tolerable way of life to Protestants and Catholics alike. Upon all of these Cromwell's record was a lasting bane. By an uncompleted process of terror, by an iniquitous land settlement, by the virtual proscription of the Catholic religion, by the bloody deeds already described, he cut new gulfs between the nations and the creeds. "Hell or Connaught" were the terms he thrust upon the native inhabitants, and they for their part, across three hundred years, have used as their keenest expression of hatred "The Curse of Cromwell on you." The consequences of Cromwell's rule in Ireland have distressed and at times distracted English politics down even to the present day. To heal them baffled the skill and loyalties of successive generations. They became for a time a potent obstacle to the harmony of the English-speaking people through-out the world. Upon all of us there still lies 'the curse of Cromwell'.
48. Abbott, W.C. (1929). Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, Harvard University Press, pp.196-205.
49. Abbott, p.202.
50. Abbott, p.205.
51. Lenihan, p.115.
52. Gardiner, p.194.
53. Stevenson, David (1990). Cromwell, Scotland and Ireland, in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Longman), ISBN 0-582-01675-4, p.155.
54. Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.66.
55. [6]
56. Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.306.
57. Parker, Geoffrey (2003). Empire, War and Faith in Early Modern Europe, p.281.
58. Kenyon & Ohlmeyer, p.320.
59. Worden, Blair (1977). The Rump Parliament (Cambridge University Press), ISBN 0-521-29213-1, ch.16-17.
60. Abbot, p.643
61. Abbott, p.642-643.
62. Roots, Ivan (1989). Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (Everyman classics), ISBN 0-460-01254-1, pp.8-27.
63. Woolrych, Austin (1982). Commonwealth to Protectorate (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0-19-822659-4, ch.5-10.
64. Gaunt, p.155.
65. Gaunt, p.156.
66. Hirst, Derek (1990). "The Lord Protector, 1653–8", in Morrill, p.172.
67. Quoted in Hirst, p.127.
68. Roots, pp.41-56.
69. Hirst, p.173.
70. Durston, Christopher (1998). The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals in English Historical Review 1998 113(450): pp.18–37, ISSN 0013-8266 .
71. Hirst, p.137.
72. Roots, p.128.
73. Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) History, Society and the Churches, ISBN 0-521-02189-8, pp.141–145.
74. Gaunt, p.204.
75. Westminster Abbey site news
76. Staff. Roundhead on the Pike', Time Magazine, 6 May, 1957
77. Gaunt, p.4.
78. Cromwell's head, the Cromwell Museum, Cambridgeshire County Council
79. Morrill, John (1990). "Cromwell and his contemporaries", in Morrill, pp.263–4.
80. Morrill, pp.271–2.
81. Morrill, pp.279–281.
82. Gaunt, p.9.
83. Worden, Blair (2001). Roundhead Reputations: The English Civil Wars and the Passions of Posterity (Penguin), ISBN 0141006943, pp.53–59
84. Gardiner, p.315.
85. Worden, pp.256–260.
86. Gardiner, p.318.
87. Morrill, John (1990). "Textualising and Contextualising Cromwell", in Historical Journal, 33, 3, pp.629-639.
88. Woolrych, Austin (1990). "The Cromwellian Protectorate: a Military Dictatorship?" in History 1990 75(244): 207-231, ISSN 0018-2648.
89. Morrill (2004). "Cromwell, Oliver (1599–1658)", in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford University Press) [7]; Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan". In Beales, D. and Best, G., History, Society and the Churches; Davis, J.C. (1990). "Cromwell’s religion", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (Longman).
90. http://www.geograph.org.uk/photo/60029

References

• Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Adamson, John (1987). "The English Nobility and the Projected Settlement of 1647", in Historical Journal, 30, 3.
• BBC Radio 4 - This Sceptred Isle - The Execution of Charles I. "Sorrell accuses Murdoch of panic buying", BBC Radio 4. Accessed 4 November 2007.
• Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition). Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches, with elucidations ;
• Coward, Barry (2003). The Stuart Age: England, 1603-1714, Longman, ISBN 0582772516
• Durston, Christopher (1998). The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals, in English Historical Review 1998 113(450): pp. 18–37, ISSN 0013-8266
• Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). Oliver Cromwell, ISBN 1417949619
• Gaunt, Peter (1996). Oliver Cromwell Blackwell, ISBN 0631183566
• Hirst, Derek (1990). The Lord Protector, 1653-8, in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1638-1660 Oxford University Press, ISBN 019280278X
• Kishlansky, Mark (1990), "Saye What?" in Historical Journal 33, 4.
• Lenihan, Padraig (2000). Confederate Catholics at War Cork University Press, ISBN 1859182445
• Morrill, John (1990). '"Cromwell and his contemporaries", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Roots, Ivan (1989). Speeches of Oliver Cromwell Everyman classics, ISBN 0460012541
• Woolrych, Austin (1982). Commonwealth to Protectorate Clarendon Press, ISBN 0198226594
• Woolrych, Austin (1990). "Cromwell as a soldier" in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Woolrych, Austin (1987). Soldiers and Statesmen: the General Council of the Army and its Debates (Clarendon Press), ISBN 0198227523
• Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) History, Society and the Churches, ISBN 0521021898
• Worden, Blair (2001). Roundhead Reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity Penguin, ISBN 0141006943
• Worden, Blair (1977). The Rump Parliament Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521292131
• Worden, Blair (2000). "Thomas Carlyle and Oliver Cromwell", in Proceedings Of The British Academy 105: pp. 131–170. ISSN 0068-1202
• Young, Peter and Holmes, Richard (2000). The English Civil War Wordsworth, ISBN 1840222220

Biographies

• Adamson, John (1990). "Oliver Cromwell and the Long Parliament", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Ashley, Maurice (1958). The Greatness of Oliver Cromwell Macmillan
• Bennett, Martyn. Oliver Cromwell (2006), ISBN 0415319226
• Clifford, Alan (1999). Oliver Cromwell: the lessons and legacy of the Protectorate Charenton Reformed Publishing, ISBN 095267162X. Religious study.
• Davis, J. C. (2001). Oliver Cromwell Hodder Arnold, ISBN 0340731184
• Fraser, Antonia (1973). Cromwell, Our Chief of Men, and Cromwell: the Lord Protector Phoenix Press, ISBN 0753813319. Popular narrative.
• Firth, C.H. (1900). Oliver Cromwell and the Rule of the Puritans ISBN 1402144741
• Gardiner, Samuel Rawson (1901). Oliver Cromwell, ISBN 1417949619. Classic biography.
• Gaunt, Peter (1996). Oliver Cromwell Blackwell, ISBN 0631183566. Short biography.
• Hill, Christopher (1970). God's Englishman: Oliver Cromwell And The English Revolution Penguin, ISBN 0297000438.
• Hirst, Derek (1990). "The Lord Protector, 1653-8", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Mason, James and Angela Leonard (1998). Oliver Cromwell Longman, ISBN 0582297346
• McKeiver, Philip (2007). "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign", Advance Press, Manchester, ISBN 9780955466304
• Morrill, John (2004). " Cromwell, Oliver (1599–1658)", in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press
• Morrill, John (1990). "The Making of Oliver Cromwell", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754.
• Paul, Robert (1958). The Lord Protector: Religion And Politics In The Life Of Oliver Cromwell
• Smith, David (ed.) (2003). Oliver Cromwell and the Interregnum Blackwell, ISBN 0631227253
• Wedgwood, C.V. (1939). Oliver Cromwell Duckworth, ISBN 0715606565
• Worden, Blair (1985). "Oliver Cromwell and the sin of Achan", in Beales, D. and Best, G. (eds.) History, Society and the Churches, ISBN 0521021898

Military studies

• Durston, Christopher (2000). "'Settling the Hearts and Quieting the Minds of All Good People': the Major-generals and the Puritan Minorities of Interregnum England", in History 2000 85(278): pp. 247–267, ISSN 0018-2648 . Full text online at Ebsco.
• Durston, Christopher (1998). "The Fall of Cromwell's Major-Generals", in English Historical Review 1998 113(450): pp. 18–37, ISSN 0013-8266
• Firth, C.H. (1921). Cromwell's Army Greenhill Books, ISBN 1853671207
• Gillingham, J. (1976). Portrait Of A Soldier: Cromwell Weidenfeld & Nicholson, ISBN 0297771485
• Kenyon, John & Ohlmeyer, Jane (eds.) (2000). The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland, and Ireland 1638-1660 Oxford University Press, ISBN 019280278X
• Kitson, Frank (2004). Old Ironsides: The Military Biography of Oliver Cromwell Weidenfeld Military, ISBN 0297846884
• Marshall, Alan (2004). Oliver Cromwell: Soldier: The Military Life of a Revolutionary at War Brassey's, ISBN 1857533437
• McKeiver, Philip (2007). "A New History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign", Advance Press, Manchester, ISBN 9780955466304
• Woolrych, Austin (1990). "The Cromwellian Protectorate: a Military Dictatorship?" in History 1990 75(244): 207-231, ISSN 0018-2648 . Full text online at Ebsco.
• Woolrych, Austin (1990). "Cromwell as a soldier", in Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Young, Peter and Holmes, Richard (2000). The English Civil War, Wordsworth, ISBN 1840222220

Surveys of era

• Coward, Barry (2002). The Cromwellian Protectorate Manchester University Press, ISBN 0719043174
• Coward, Barry (2003). The Stuart Age: England, 1603-1714, Longman, ISBN 0-582-77251-6. Survey of political history of the era.
• Davies, Godfrey (1959). The Early Stuarts, 1603-1660 Oxford University Press, ISBN 0198217048. Political, religious, and diplomatic overview of the era.
• Korr, Charles P. (1975). Cromwell and the New Model Foreign Policy: England's Policy toward France, 1649-1658 University of California Press, ISBN 0520022815
• Macinnes, Allan (2005). The British Revolution, 1629-1660 Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0333597508
• Morrill, John (1990). "Cromwell and his contemporaries". In Morrill, John (ed.), Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution Longman, ISBN 0582016754
• Trevor-Roper, Hugh (1967). Oliver Cromwell and his Parliaments, in his Religion, the Reformation and Social Change Macmillan.
• Venning, Timothy (1995). Cromwellian Foreign Policy Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0333633881
• Woolrych, Austin (1982). Commonwealth to Protectorate Clarendon Press, ISBN 0198226594
• Woolrych, Austin (2002). Britain in Revolution 1625-1660 Oxford University Press, ISBN 0199272686
• Worden, Blair (2001). Roundhead Reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity Penguin, ISBN 0141006943

Primary sources

• Abbott, W.C. (ed.) (1937-47). Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, 4 vols. The standard academic reference for Cromwell's own words. [3618].
• Carlyle, Thomas (ed.) (1904 edition), Oliver Cromwell's letters and speeches, with elucidations. ;
• Haykin, Michael A. G. (ed.) (1999). To Honour God: The Spirituality of Oliver Cromwell Joshua Press, ISBN 1894400038. Excerpts from Cromwell's religious writings.
• Morrill, John (1990). "Textualizing and Contextualizing Cromwell", in Historical Journal 1990 33(3): pp. 629–639. ISSN 0018-246X . Full text online at Jstor. Examines the Carlyle and Abbott editions.
• Roots, Ivan (1989). Speeches of Oliver Cromwell Everyman classics, ISBN 0460012541
• Worden, Blair (2000). Thomas Carlyle and Oliver Cromwell, in Proceedings Of The British Academy 105: pp. 131–170, ISSN 0068-1202.

External links

Books about Oliver Cromwell available online

• The History of England During the Reigns of the Royal House of Stuart by John Oldmixon (1730)
• A Few Anecdotes and Observations Relating to Oliver Cromwell and His Family, Serving to Rectify Several Errors Concerning Him by Sir James Burrow (1763)
• The History of Remarkable Events in the Kingdom of Ireland by Thomas Leland (1781): Vol. I, Vol. II
• Prestwich's Respublica: A Display of the Honors, Ceremonies & Ensigns of the Commonwealth Under the Protectorship of Oliver Cromwell by John Prestwich (1787)
• An Historical and Critical Account of the Lives and Writings of James I and Charles I, and the Lives of Oliver Cromwell and Charles II by William Harris (1814): Volume I, Volume II, Volume III, Volume IV, Volume V
• Memoirs of the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, and of His Sons Richard and Henry by Oliver Cromwell, Esq., A Descendant of the Family (1821): Vol. I, Vol. II
• Diary of Thomas Burton, Esq., Member in the Parliaments of Oliver and Richard Cromwell, ed. John Towill Rutt (1828): Vol. I, Vol. IV
• Life of Oliver Cromwell by Michael Russell (1833): Vol. I, Vol. II
• The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, and the State of Europe During the Early Part of the Reign of Louis XIV by Robert Vaughan (1838): Vol. I, Vol. II
• Oliver Cromwell: An Historical Romance by Henry William Herbert (1840): Vol. I, Vol. II, Vol. III
• Cromwell: A Prize Poem, Recited in the Theatre, Oxford, June 28, 1843 by Matthew Arnold (1843)
• Life of Oliver Cromwell by Robert Southey (1845)
• The Protector: A Vindication by Jean-Henri Merle d'Aubigné (1847)
• Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches: With Elucidations by Thomas Carlyle (1850): Vol. I, Vol. II, Vol. III, Vol. IV
• A Lecture on the Life and Character of Oliver Cromwell by Sherman B. Canfield (1850)
• The Life of Oliver Cromwell by Joel T. Headley (1851)
• Oliver Cromwell; Or, England in the Past Viewed in Relation to England in the Present by Joseph Denham Smith (1851)
• History of Oliver Cromwell and the English Commonwealth: From the Execution of Charles the First to the Death of Cromwell by François Guizot (1854): Vol. I, Vol. II
• Oliver Cromwell, Daniel Defoe, Sir Richard Steele, Charles Churchill, Samuel Foote: Biographical Essays by John Forster (1860)
• Ecclesiastical History of England: From the Opening of the Long Parliament to the Death of Oliver Cromwell by John Stoughton (1867): Vol. I, Vol. II
• Oliver Cromwell: An Historical Tragedy by Alfred Bate Richards (1873)
• The Quarrel Between the Earl of Manchester and Oliver Cromwell: An Episode of the English Civil War by David Masson (1875)
• Life of Oliver Cromwell by Francis Warre Warre-Cornish (1882)
• Oliver Cromwell: The Man and His Mission by James Allanson Picton (1883)
• Oliver Cromwell: His Life, Times, Battlefields, and Contemporaries by Edwin Paxton Hood (1883)
• Cromwell in Ireland: A History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign by Denis Murphy (1885)
• Life of Oliver Cromwell by Alphonse de Lamartine (1886)
• Oliver Cromwell und die puritanische Revolution by Moritz Brosch (1886)
• Oliver Cromwell by Frederic Harrison (c. 1888, published 1919)
• Oliver Cromwell, The Protector: An Appreciation Based on Contemporary Evidence by Sir Reginald Palgrave (1890)
• Oliver Cromwell and His Times: Social, Religious, and Political Life in the Seventeenth Century by G. Holden Pike (1890)
• The House of Cromwell and the Story of Dunkirk: A Genealogical History of the Descendants of the Protector by James Waylen (1890)
• Oliver Cromwell by George Henry Clark (1895)
• Cromwell's Place in History by Samuel Rawson Gardiner (1897)
• Cromwell's Scotch Campaigns, 1650-51 by W. S. Douglas (1898)
• The Two Protectors: Oliver and Richard Cromwell by Sir Richard Tangye (1899)
• Oliver Cromwell: A History by Samuel Harden Church (1900)
• Oliver Cromwell by John Morley, 1st Viscount Morley of Blackburn (1900)
• The Protestant Interest in Cromwell's Foreign Relations by Jakob N. Bowman (1900)
• Oliver Cromwell by Samuel Rawson Gardiner (1901)
• King Cromwell by William Alfred Quayle (1902)
• Oliver Cromwell: The Story of His Life and Work by Theodore Roosevelt (1902)
• Through Great Britain and Ireland with Cromwell by Henrietta Elizabeth Marshall (1912)
• Oliver Cromwell: A Play by John Drinkwater (1921)

Other links

• Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution - In Honor of Christopher Hill 1912–2003
• The Cromwell Association
• The Cromwell Museum in Huntingdon
• Chronology of Oliver Cromwell World History Database
• Biography at the British Civil Wars & Commonwealth website
• The Cromwellian Catastrophe in Ireland:an Historiographical Analysis (an overview of writings/writers on the subject by Jameel Hampton pub. Gateway An Academic Journal on the Web: Spring 2003 PDF
• Works by or about Oliver Cromwell at Internet Archive (scanned books original editions color illustrated)
• Vallely, Paul. The Big Question: Was Cromwell a revolutionary hero or a genocidal war criminal?, The Independent 4 September 2008.