The
Province of
Ontario
is governed by a unicameral legislature, the
Legislative Assembly of
Ontario, which operates in the Westminster system of government.
The political party that wins the largest number of seats in the
legislature normally forms the government, and the party's leader
becomes
premier of the province,
i.e., the
head of the
government.
Ontario's primary political parties are the centre-right
Ontario Progressive
Conservative Party (PC Party), the centrist
Ontario Liberal Party and the left
wing
Ontario New Democratic
Party (NDP). The
Ontario Green
Party has seen its support grow over the years - to 8.1% of the
vote in 2007 - but has failed to win any seats in the
Legislature.
The Big Blue Machine, 1943-1985
The Progressive Conservative Party dominated Ontario's political
system from 1943 to 1985 and earned the nickname of the
Big Blue Machine. During this period the
party was led by
Red Tory premiers:
George Drew,
Leslie Frost,
John
Robarts and
Bill Davis. These
governments were responsible for some of the province's most
progressive social legislation (including the Ontario Code of Human
Rights), the creation of most of Ontario's welfare state and social
programs, the creation of many Crown Corporations, and strong
economic growth. Though the Conservatives were reduced to a
minority government in 1975 and 1977, they stayed in power as they
moved to the left of the rural-based Liberals. In addition, the
Liberal and NDP opposition parties had been unwilling to cooperate.
The Conservatives' were returned with a majority government in
1981.
However, in 1985, the party came back to the right, electing
Frank Miller as leader at
a
leadership
convention, following the retirement of popular longtime Red
Tory Premier Bill Davis. This shift in policy did not help the
party's fortunes, nor did Davis' announcement to extend full
funding for Catholic schools, the latter which alienated the
Conservatives' rural supporters. After 42 years of governing
Ontario, the
1985
election reduced the Tories to a minority in the Legislature,
with only four seats more than the opposition Liberals. The Tories
won fewer votes over all than the Liberals. Miller attempted to
forge an alliance with the NDP, as Bill Davis did during his
minority terms (1975-1981), but they were unable to come to an
agreement. The Liberals of
David
Peterson and the New Democrats of
Bob
Rae signed an accord (not a formal coalition), ousting Frank
Miller, and ending one of the longest political dynasties in
Canadian history.
A decade of political upheaval, 1985-1995
Peterson was able to re-energize his party and lead them back into
office. The Liberal-NDP coalition of 1985-1987 worked very well
with David Peterson at the helm as Premier. In exchange for
supporting certain Liberal policies and not defeating Peterson's
government in the Legislature, the Liberals agreed to pass certain
NDP policies to which Miller had been unwilling to agree.
In the
1987 election,
Peterson's Liberals won a substantial
majority in the Legislature. Peterson's
record in office was a mixed one. During his five years in power,
Ontario recorded some of its best economic times; however towards
the end of his tenure government spending increased. Although his
government predicted a surplus, the Liberals plunged the Government
of Ontario into a $3 billion deficit by 1990.
The Social Contract
The Liberals paid dearly by calling a
snap
election three years into their mandate in
1990. Before Peterson called
the election, his government stood at a 54% approval rating in the
polls. However, the early election call turned out to be his
undoing as the public interpreted it as arrogance. Several scandals
also broke out after the election call and some suspected the
Liberals of calling an election just to dodge the upcoming
recession. In the most surprising election results in Ontario's
history, the NDP was able to win a majority government, however
with only 37% of the vote. This government was Ontario's second
social democratic government (after the United Farmer's government
of
Ernest Drury 1919-1923), and its
track record would keep the NDP out of serious contention for power
in Ontario until the present.
The NDP took power in the midst of one of the worst recessions
since the Great Depression. Though they campaigned predominantly on
the promise of a public
auto
insurance system, they backtracked on this policy, causing a
split between Premier Rae and his more left-wing ministers.
Initially, they increased spending in the public sector to
stimulate employment and productivity. However, due to the
unforeseen severity of the recession, it angered the business
community while not doing enough to provide for public
relief.
Faced with a skyrocketing deficit, the New Democrats introduced
cutbacks to social spending as well as the
Social Contract, which forced public-sector
workers to take unpaid "holidays" or "Rae Days" every year. They
also introduced wage freezes. The Social Contract led to most of
the labour movement, especially longtime NDP ally
Buzz Hargrove and the
CAW
(Canadian Auto Worker's Union), along with the Ontario Public
Service Employees Union and other public sector unions turning its
backs on Bob Rae, many of their members vowing to bring his
government down. Rae also introduced unpopular revenue-raising
taxes and operations that hurt his election prospects. Thousands of
party members resigned from the NDP and it became evident that the
party was headed for a defeat in the
1995 election.
By 1995, Ontario's unemployment rate was skyrocketing and the
deficit was growing bigger, leaving most people convinced that the
government of Bob Rae had become ineffective. Commentators
predicted an easy win for
Lyn McLeod's
Liberals, but the resurgent Progressive Conservative Party of
Mike Harris, which had been reduced to
third-party status since the
1987 election, made a
tremendous comeback and won a majority. Macleod alienated voters by
flip-flopping on campaign issues such as
civil unions for same-sex couples. Towards
the end of the campaign, the Liberals attempted to copy many Tory
policies. Mike Harris, on the other hand campaigned on a
controversial, but straightforward agenda known as the
Common Sense Revolution, promising
to solve Ontario's economic woes and problems with lower taxation,
smaller government and pro-business policies to create jobs. He
also campaigned as a populist, which gave him the support of
several working-class ridings that normally voted NDP. The 1995
election gave the PC Party a large majority, bringing the Tories
back into power, however not under their traditional centrist or
Red Tory agenda.
The "Common Sense Revolution", 1995-2003
The new conservative government of Mike Harris implemented a
programme of cuts to social spending and taxes (the "Common Sense
Revolution") that balanced the budget and significantly lowered
taxes for most Ontarians (both lower and middle class). However, it
also drew controversy for "downloading" or transferring the cost of
programs and responsibilities to municipalities. In 1997, the
teachers' union protested with a province-wide strike against the
Harris government's education initiatives.
That year, the Harris
government also amalgamated Metro
Toronto and its six cities into the new "Megacity" of Toronto
despite
their opposition.
Mike Harris was re-elected easily in the
1999 election, defeating
Dalton McGuinty's Liberals. His
victory was largely due to a poor campaign by McGuinty's Liberals,
the creation of many new jobs since Harris had taken office, and
his record on tax reduction. Negative campaigning by the Tories,
which featured ads claiming that McGuinty was "not up to the job"
also helped Harris's re-election bid.
Afterwards, the government's critics alleged that the government's
cuts to the Ministry of the Environment and privatization of
water-testing laboratories led to the lack of oversight that
resulted in contaminated water at
Walkerton. Harris stepped down in 2002 and
was replaced by
Ernie Eves following a
leadership
election. Eves's government was chiefly notable for stopping
Harris's unpopular plan to privatize the public electricity
utility,
Ontario Power
Generation (formerly Ontario Hydro), but not before some parts
of the utility had been sold to private interests.
The Liberals return to power
In the October
2003
election, Dalton McGuinty led the Liberals to victory against
Ernie Eves and his controversy-plagued Tories, coming in with a
solid majority. McGuinty's major promises revolved around
increasing health care funding, unraveling Mike Harris's education
reforms, and not raising taxes.
Shortly after the election, however, the former provincial auditor
undertook a study that revealed that the Harris-Eves Tories had
hidden a deficit of at least $5.6 billion. Minister of Finance
Greg Sorbara released a budget
introducing tax increases on commodities and businesses, the
introduction of a new income tax called the "Ontario Health
Premium" for all but low-income Ontarians, the de-listing of
health-care services from
Ontario Health Insurance Plan.
The budget, along with the failure to prevent construction on the
environmentally-sensitive
Oak Ridges
Moraine after his election made the McGuinty government
unpopular during its first few months. During his second month in
office, McGuinty had an approval rating of only 8%, a record low.
Even though the new Liberal government had broken some of their
promises, on December 14th, 2003, 60% of Ontarians in an Ipsos-Reid
Poll (on behalf of Globe and Mail/CFTO/CFRB) said they were better
off governed by the Liberals now than the Conservatives under Ernie
Eves.
However, things improved after his first year in office. The
Ontario government was able to negotiate a national health accord
with the federal government and the other provinces, free
immunizations against chicken pox and meningitis were added to the
list of OHIP-covered immunizations for children, McGuinty announced
plans for the creation of the "Green Belt" in the Greater Toronto
Area to help control urban sprawl, and plans for the creation of a
"
Citizen's
Assembly" to research electoral reform were also announced. The
Tories on the other hand took a shift back to the centre and
elected
John Tory, a former aide of Bill
Davis, to lead the party. Tory opposes the privatization that was
advocated by Mike Harris and Ernie Eves, supports the elimination
of health premiums and socially has a similar agenda to Dalton
McGuinty.
The McGuinty government also brought forward a number of regulatory
initiatives including legislation to allow patrons to bring their
own wine to restaurants, banning junk food in public schools,
outlawing smoking in public places, and requiring students to stay
in school until age 18. The government also enacted changes to the
Ontario Heritage Act in 2005.
Following a series of high-profile maulings, the government also
moved to ban
Pit Bulls; a move which has
generated strong opposition as well as support.
In the summer of 2003, an
Court of Appeal for Ontario
rulings resulted in Ontario becoming the first of Canada's
provinces and territories to legalize
same-sex marriage. (
See Same-sex marriage in
Ontario.) In response to the court decision, the McGuinty
Liberals updated the province's legislation relating to married
couples to include homosexual couples.
In 2007 it was announced that the
Ontario
Citizen's Assembly on Electoral Reform had recommended that
Ontario switch to a new electoral system known as
Mixed Member
Proportional Representation. As a result the Government of
Ontario set the date for a
referendum on the
issue to be October 10, 2007, which is also the date set for the
provincial election. The Government also set a "super majority"
requirement that requires the support of at least 60% of voters and
majority support in 60% of all Ontario ridings for the proposal to
be adopted.
The MMP system was rejected by Ontario voters.
Overview of Ontario federal politics
In general, Ontario is a mixed bag in terms of political trends,
despite the fact that the
federal Liberals dominated the
province from
1993
to
2004 against a
"divided right" between the centrist
Progressive
Conservative Party and strongly conservative
Canadian Alliance. However, the merger of
these two right-wing parties into the new
Conservative Party of Canada in
2003 has reduced this Liberal dominance.
- The Greater Toronto Area
tends to be very liberal today. But interestingly enough, the GTA
or "905 belt" was solidly Progressive Conservative on the
provincial level during the 1995 and 1999 elections, and of course
historically supported the Tories during the more liberal Red Tory
era. It is now the stronghold for the Ontario and federal Liberals,
except for a few downtown districts where the NDP is strong.
Conservative support is limited to the outer suburbs, where the
Tories hold a few seats.
- Southwestern
Ontario is similar to the adjacent US
Midwest, with the urban areas generally leaning left
(especially Windsor
, which is a
union bastion and thus an NDP
stronghold), and the rural areas being far more
conservative. However, they have traditionally not been as
conservative as rural parts of surrounding regions of Ontario and
neighbouring American states, primarily due to the industrial
nature of the region. That seems to be changing, however, as
social issues and religion become more entrenched on the political
landscape.
- Most of Northern Ontario is a
hotbed for Liberal and NDP support, primarily owing to the highly
unionized nature of the region and the high population of First Nations. The southern border areas are
more conservative than the northern areas, however, both fiscally
and socially. This is most notable in the Parry
Sound
and Muskoka districts, in
the areas surrounding North Bay
and on Manitoulin Island
.
See also
References
External links