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Republicanism is the value system of governance that has been a major part of Americanmarker civic thought since the American Revolution. It stresses liberty and rights as central values, makes the people as a whole sovereign, rejects inherited political power, expects citizens to be independent in their performance of civic duties, and is strongly inclined against corruption. American republicanism was founded and first practiced by the Founding Fathers in the 18th century. This system was based on early Roman and English models and ideas. It formed the basis for the American Revolution and the consequential Declaration of Independence (1776) and the Constitution (1787), as well as the Gettysburg Address. It is not the same as democracy, for republicanism asserts that people have inalienable rights that cannot be voted away by a majority of voters. In a government made up as a constitutional republic, the Rule of Law and clearly defined constitutional principles dictate the actual administration of government.

Two major parties were explicitly named after the idea--the Republican party of Thomas Jefferson (founded in 1793, and often called the "Democratic-Republican party" by historians), and the current Republican party (founded in 1854).

Republican virtues

The intellectual and political leaders in the 1760s-1770s closely read history to compare governments and their effectiveness of rule. They were especially concerned with the history of liberty in England, and were primarily influenced by the party in British politics, which roundly denounced the corruption surrounding the "court" party in London. This approach produced a political ideology called "republicanism", which was widespread in America by 1775. "Republicanism was the distinctive political consciousness of the entire Revolutionary generation." J.G.A. Pocock explained the intellectual sources in America:

Cause of Revolution

The commitment of most Americans to republican values and to their property rights helped bring about the American Revolution, for Britain was increasingly seen as corrupt and hostile to democracy, and a threat to the established liberties that Americans enjoyed and to American property rights. The greatest threat to liberty was thought by many to be corruption--not just in London but at home as well. The colonists associated it with luxury and, especially, inherited aristocracy, which they condemned. (A few Americans did gain English titles, but they moved to London.)

The "Founding Fathers" were strong advocates of republican values, especially Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton.

Thomas Jefferson defined a republic as:

The Founding Fathers discoursed endlessly on the meaning of "republicanism." John Adams in 1787 defined it as "a government, in which all men, rich and poor, magistrates and subjects, officers and people, masters and servants, the first citizen and the last, are equally subject to the laws."

Virtue vs. Commerce

The open question, as Pocock suggested, of the conflict between personal economic interest (grounded in Lockean liberalism) and classical republicanism, troubled Americans. Jefferson and Madison roundly denounced the Federalists for creating a national bank as tending to corruption and monarchism; Alexander Hamilton staunchly defended his program, arguing that national economic strength was necessary for the protection of liberty. Jefferson never relented but by 1815 Madison switched and announced in favor of a national bank, which he set up in 1816.

John Adams often pondered the issue of civic virtue. Writing Mercy Otis Warren in 1776, he agreed with the Greeks and the Romans, that, "Public Virtue cannot exist without private, and public Virtue is the only Foundation of Republics." Adams insisted, "There must be a positive Passion for the public good, the public Interest, Honour, Power, and Glory, established in the Minds of the People, or there can be no Republican Government, nor any real Liberty. And this public Passion must be Superior to all private Passions. Men must be ready, they must pride themselves, and be happy to sacrifice their private Pleasures, Passions, and Interests, nay their private Friendships and dearest connections, when they Stand in Competition with the Rightsof society."

Adams worried that a businessman might have financial interests that conflicted with republican duty; indeed, he was especially suspicious of banks. He decided that history taught that "the Spirit of Commerce . . . is incompatible with that purity of Heart, and Greatness of soul which is necessary for a happy Republic." But so much of that spirit of commerce had infected America. In New England, Adams noted, "even the Farmers and Tradesmen are addicted to Commerce." As a result, there was "a great Danger that a Republican Government would be very factious and turbulent there."

Other influences

A second stream of thought growing in significance was the classical liberalism of John Locke, including his theory of the "social contract". This had a great influence on the revolution as it implied the inborn right of the people to overthrow their leaders should those leaders betray the agreements implicit in the sovereign-follower relationship. Historians find little trace of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's influence in America. In terms of writing state and national constitutions, the Americans used Montesquieu's analysis of the ideally "balanced" British Constitution. But first and last came a commitment to republicanism, as shown by many historians such as Bernard Bailyn and Gordon S. Wood.


For a century, historians have debated how important republicanism was to the Founding Fathers. The interpretation before 1960, following Progressive School historians such as Charles Beard, Vernon L. Parrington and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., downplayed rhetoric as superficial and looked for economic motivations. Louis Hartz refined the position in the 1950s, arguing John Locke was the most important source because his property-oriented liberalism supported the materialistic goals of Americans.

In the 1960s and 1970s, two new schools emerged that emphasized the primacy of ideas as motivating forces in history (rather than material self interest). Bernard Bailyn, Gordon Wood and the "Cambridge School" led by J.G.A. Pocock emphasized slightly different approaches to republicanism. However, some scholars, especially Isaac Kramnick, continue to emphasize Locke, arguing that Americans are fundamentally individualistic and not devoted to civic virtue. The relative importance of republicanism and liberalism remains a topic of strong debate among historians, as well as the politically active of present day.

New Nation: The Constitution

The Founding Fathers wanted republicanism because its principles guaranteed liberty, with opposing, limited powers offsetting one another. They thought change should occur slowly, as many were afraid that a "democracy"- by which they meant a direct democracy- would allow a majority of voters at any time to trample rights and liberties in the "heat of a moment". They believed the most formidable of these potential majorities was that of the poor against the rich. They thought democracy could take the form of mob rule that could be shaped on the spot by a demagogue. Therefore they devised a written Constitution which could only be amended by a super majority, preserved competing sovereignties in the constituent states, gave the control of the upper house (Senate) to the states, and created an Electoral College, comprising a small number of elites, to select the president. They set up a House of Representative to represent the people. In practice the electoral college soon gave way to control by political parties. In 1776 most states required property ownership to vote, but most citizens owned farms in the 90% rural nation, so it was not a severe restriction. As the country urbanized and people took on different work, the property ownership requirement was gradually dropped by many states. Property requirements were gradually dismantled in state after state, so that all had been eliminated by 1850. By 1855, the tax-paying requirements had also been abandoned, so that few if any economic barriers remained to prevent white adult males from voting.

"Republican" as party name

In 1792-93 Jefferson and Madison created a new "republican party" in order to promote their version of the doctrine. They wanted to suggest that Hamilton's version was illegitimate. According to Federalist Noah Webster, a political activist bitter at the defeat of the Federalist party in the White House and Congress, the choice of the name "Republican" was "a powerful instrument in the process of making proselytes to the party.... The influence of names on the mass of mankind, was never more distinctly exhibited, than in the increase of the democratic party in the United States. The popularity of the denomination of the Republican Party, was more than a match for the popularity of Washington's character and services, and contributed to overthrow his administration." The party, which historians later called the Democratic-Republican Party, split into separate factions in the 1820s, one of which became the Democratic Party. After 1832 the Democrats were opposed by a another faction that named themselves "Whigs" after the Patriots of the 1770s who started the American Revolution. Both of these parties proclaimed their devotion to republicanism in the era of the Second Party System.

Under the new government after the Revolution, "republican motherhood" became an ideal, as exemplified by Abigail Adams and Mercy Otis Warren. The first duty of the republican woman was to instill republican values in her children, and to avoid luxury and ostentation.Two generations later the daughters and granddaughters of these “Republican mothers” appropriated republican values into their lives as they sought independence and equality in the workforce. During the 1830’s thousands of women mill workers went on strike to battle for their right to fair wages and independence, as there had been major pay cuts. Many of these women were daughters of independent land owners and descendants of men that had fought in the Revolutionary War and thus identified themselves as “daughters of freemen”. In their fight for independence at the mills, women would incorporate rhetoric from the revolution in order to convey the importance and strength of their purpose to their corporate employers as well as to other women. If the Revolutionary War was fought to secure independence from Great Britainmarker, then these “daughters of freemen” could fight for the same republican values that (through striking) would give them fair pay and independence just as the men had.

As late as 1800, the word "democrat", as then used, was mostly used to attack an opponent. Thus George Washington in 1798 complained, "that you could as soon scrub the blackamoor white, as to change the principles of a profest Democrat; and that he will leave nothing unattempted to overturn the Government of this Country." The Federalist Papers are pervaded by the idea that pure democracy is actually quite dangerous, because it allows a majority to infringe upon the rights of a minority. Thus in encouraging the states to participate in a strong centralized government under a new constitution and replace the relatively weak Articles of Confederation, Madison argued in Federalist #10 that a special interest may take control of a small area, e.g. a state, but it could not easily take over a large nation. Therefore, the larger the nation, the safer is republicanism.

Military Service

Civic virtue required men to put civic goals ahead of their personal desires, and to volunteer to fight for their country. As John Randolph of Roanoke put it, "When citizen and soldier shall be synonymous terms, then you will be safe." Scott (1984) notes that in both the American and French revolutions, distrust of foreign mercenaries led to the concept of a national, citizen army, and the definition of military service was changed from a choice of careers to a civic duty. Herrera (2001) explains that an appreciation of self-governance is essential to any understanding of the American military character before the Civil War. Military service was considered an important demonstration of patriotism and an essential component of citizenship. To soldiers, military service was a voluntary, negotiated, and temporary abeyance of self-governance by which they signaled their responsibility as citizens. In practice self-governance in military affairs came to include personal independence, enlistment negotiations, petitions to superior officials, militia constitutions, and negotiations regarding discipline. Together these impacted on all aspects of military order, discipline, and life.

Civil War and Reconstruction

Historian Frank Lawrence Owsley depicted antebellum Southern society as a broad class of yeoman farmers who stood and worked between the slaves and poor whites at one end and the large planters at the opposite end of the economic spectrum, Owsley asserted that the real South was liberal, American, and Jeffersonian, not radical or reactionary. It reflected the best of republican principles (though Owsley did not use the word "republicanism.") Agrarianism in the 20th century was a response to the industrialism and modernism that had infiltrated the South. According to Owsley, the position of the South vis-à-vis the North was created not by slavery, cotton, or states' rights, but by the two regions' misunderstanding of each other. J. Mills Thornton argues that in the antebellum South the drive to preserve republican values was the most powerful force, and led Southerners to interpret Northern policies as a threat to their republican values.

In reaction to the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, antislavery forces in the North formed a new party. The party officially designated itself "Republican" because the name resonated with the struggle of 1776. "In view of the necessity of battling for the first principles of republican government," resolved the Michigan state convention, "and against the schemes of aristocracy the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as Republicans."

Progressive Era

A central theme of the Progressive era was fear of corruption, one of the core ideas of republicanism since the 1770s. The Progressives restructured the political system to defeat corrupt bosses (for example, by the direct election of Senators), to remove corrupt influence like saloons (through prohibition) and bringing in new, purer voters (woman suffrage). Debate erupted in 1917 over Woodrow Wilson's proposal to draft men for the U.S. Army. Many said it violated the republican notion of freely given civic duty to force people to serve. The solution was to set it up so that each draftee voluntarily "stepped forward" to perform his civic duty.

New Deal Era to 2006

"Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country!" cried out President John F. Kennedy in a dramatic call for the American people to honor the core republican value of civic duty.

In the presidential election of 2004, one of the chief topics of discussion was whether the candidates John Kerry and George W. Bush had properly fulfilled their civic duty of fighting for their country, part of the republican duties. Opponents charged that Bush had shirked his National Guard duties, or conversely that Kerry did not earn the medals he was awarded in Vietnam. A similar debate over performance of civic duty took place in the presidential election of 1888, when Republicans emphasized that Democrat Grover Cleveland had purchased a substitute to fight for him in the Civil War, while his opponent Benjamin Harrison was in combat.

Legal terminology

The term republic does not appear in the Declaration of Independence, but does appear in Article IV of the Constitution which "guarantee[s] to every State in this Union a Republican form of Government." What exactly the writers of the constitution felt this should mean is uncertain. The Supreme Courtmarker, in Luther v. Borden (1849), declared that the definition of republic was a "political question" in which it would not intervene. In two later cases, it did establish a basic definition. In United States v. Cruikshank (1875), the court ruled that the "equal rights of citizens" were inherent to the idea of republic. The opinion of the court from In re Duncan(1891) held that the "right of the people to choose their government" is also part of the definition. It is also generally assumed that the clause prevents any state from being a monarchy — or a dictatorship. Due to the 1875 and 1891 court decisions establishing basic definition, in the first version (1892) of the Pledge of Allegiance, which included the word republic, and like Article IV which refers to a Republican form of government, the basic definition of republic is implied and continues to do so in all subsequent versions, including the present edition, by virtue of its consistent inclusion.


Over time, the pejorative connotations of "democracy" faded. By the 1830s, democracy was seen as an unmitigated positive and the term "Democratic" was assumed by the Democratic Party and the term "Democrat" was adopted by its members. A common term for the party in the later 19th century was "The Democracy." In debates on Reconstruction, Senator Charles Sumner argued that the republican "guarantee clause" in Article IV supported the introduction by force of law of democratic suffrage in the defeated South.

As the limitations on democracy were slowly removed, property qualifications for state voters were eliminated (1820s); initiative, referendum, recall and other devices of direct democracy became widely accepted at the state and local level (1910s); and senators were made directly electable by the people (1913).

Republic vs democracy

The controversial distinction between a republic and a democracy has great legal and political significance in the United States. The distinction is related to the nature of the sovereignty while the controversy is related to the intent of the Founding Fathers of the United States.

See also


  • Joyce Appleby, Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (1992)
  • Joyce Appleby, “Commercial Farming and the ‘Agrarian Myth’ in the Early Republic,” Journal of American History 68 (1982), pp 833-849 in JSTOR
  • Joyce Appleby, “Republicanism in Old and New Contexts,” in William & Mary Quarterly, 43 (January, 1986), pp 3-34 in JSTOR
  • Joyce Appleby, ed., "Republicanism in the History and Historiography of the United States," special issue of American Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 4, (1985) with these articles:
    • Joyce Appleby, "Republicanism and Ideology," pp. 461-473 in JSTOR
    • Linda K. Kerber, "The Republican Ideology of the Revolutionary Generation," pp. 474-495 in JSTOR
    • Cathy Matson and Peter Onuf, "Toward a Republican Empire: Interest and Ideology in Revolutionary America," pp. 496-531 in JSTOR
    • Jean Baker, "From Belief into Culture: Republicanism in the Antebellum North," pp. 532-550 in JSTOR
    • James Oakes. "From Republicanism to Liberalism: Ideological Change and the Crisis of the Old South," pp. 551-571 [ in JSTOR]
    • John Patrick Diggins, "Republicanism and Progressivism," pp. 572-598 in JSTOR
  • Joyce Appleby, Capitalism and a New Social Order: The Republican Vision of the 1790s, 1984, her reprinted essays
  • Ashworth, John, "The Jeffersonians: Classical Republicans or Liberal Capitalists?" Journal of American Studies 18 (1984), p 428-430
  • Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Harvard University Press, 1967. ISBN 0-674-44301-2
  • Bailyn, Bernard. The Origins of American Politics (1966)
  • Banning, Lance. The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (1978)
  • Becker, Peter, JÜrgen Heideking and James A. Henretta, eds. Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States, 1750-1850. Cambridge University Press. 2002.
  • Brown, David. "Jeffersonian Ideology And The Second Party System" Historian, Fall, 1999 v62#1 pp 17-44 online edition
  • Brown; Stuart Gerry. The First Republicans: Political Philosophy and Public Policy in the Party of Jefferson and Madison Syracuse University Press. (1954).
  • Buel, Richard. Securing the Revolution: Ideology in American Politics, 1789–1815 (1972)
  • J. C. D. Clark. The Language of Liberty 1660-1832: Political Discourse and Social Dynamics in the Anglo-American World, 1660-1832
  • Colbourn, Trevor. The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version
  • Currie, James T., The Constitution in Congress: The Federalist Period, 1789-1801, (1997); The Constitution in Congress: The Jeffersonians, 1801-1829, U. of Chicago Press, 2001
  • Elkins, Stanley M., and Eric McKitrick. The Age of Federalism (1993) standard political history of 1790s
  • Ellis, Joseph J. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation
  • Everdell, William R. The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans, 2nd ed. University of Chicago Press, 2000
  • Ferling, John E. A Leap in the Dark: The Struggle to Create the American Republic]. (2003) online edition
  • Foner, Eric. "Radical Individualism in America: Revolution to Civil War," Literature of Liberty, vol. 1 no. 3, July/September 1978 pp 1-31 online
  • Gould, Philip. "Virtue, Ideology, and the American Revolution: The Legacy of the Republican Synthesis," American Literary History, Vol. 5, No. 3, Eighteenth-Century American Cultural Studies (Autumn, 1993) , pp. 564-577
  • Greene, Jack P. and J. R. Pole, eds. The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (1991), 845pp; emphasis on political ideas and republicanism; revised edition (2004) titled A Companion to the American Revolution
  • Hartz, Louis. The Liberal Tradition in America (1952)
  • Hart, Gary. Restoration of the Republic: The Jeffersonian Ideal in 21St-Century America (2002)
  • Jacobs, Meg, ed. The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in American Political History
  • Kerber, Linda K. Intellectual History of Women: Essays by Linda K. Kerber 1997
  • Kerber, Linda K. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (1997)
  • Keyssar, Alexander. The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2001)
  • Klein, Milton, et al., eds., The Republican Synthesis Revisited (1992).
  • James T Kloopenberg. The Virtues of Liberalism (1998)
  • Kramnick, Isaac. Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism: Political Ideology in Late Eighteenth-Century England and America (1990)
  • Kramnick, Isaac and Theodore Lowi. American Political Thought (2006), textbook
  • McCoy, Drew R. The Elusive Republic: Political Economy in Jeffersonian America (1980) on economic theories
  • McCoy, Drew R. The Last of the Fathers: James Madison and the Republican Legacy (1989). Madison after
  • Morgan. Edmund. Inventing the People (1989)
  • Mushkat, Jerome, and Joseph G. Rayback, Martin Van Buren: Law, Politics, and the Shaping of Republican Ideology (1997)
  • Norton, Mary Beth. Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women, 1750-1800 (1980)
  • Pangle, Thomas L. The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke
  • J. G. A. Pocock. The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (1975).
  • Rakove, Jack N. Original Meanings: Politics and Ideas in the Making of the Constitution (1997)
  • Rodgers,Daniel T. "Republicanism: the Career of a Concept," Journal of American History, Vol. 79, No. 1 (Jun., 1992), pp. 11-38 online in JSTOR
  • Ross, Steven J. "The Transformation of Republican Ideology," Journal of the Early Republic, Vol. 10, No. 3 (Autumn, 1990) , pp. 323-330 in JSTOR
  • Schwartz, Peter ( July 18, 2006). Freedom vs. Unlimited Majority Rule. The Ayn Rand Institute. online
  • Shalhope, Robert E. "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), 49-80 in JSTOR
  • Shalhope, Robert E. "Republicanism and Early American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (Apr. 1982), 334-356 in JSTOR
  • Watson, Harry L. Liberty and Power: The Politics of Jacksonian America (1990) (ISBN 0-374-52196-4)
  • Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism of the American Revolution: How a Revolution Transformed a Monarchical Society into a Democratic One Unlike Any That Had Ever Existed. (1992). ISBN 0-679-40493-7
  • Wood, Gordon S. The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (1969), one of the most influential studies
  • Wilentz, Sean. Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (Oxford, 1984)
  • Wilentz, Sean. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln. (2005).
  • Wiltse, Charles Maurice. The Jeffersonian Tradition in American Democracy (1935)
  • Wood, Walter Kirk. "Before Republicanism: Frank Lawrence Owsley and the Search for Southern Identity, 1865-1965." Southern Studies (1995) 6(4): 65-77. ISSN 0735-8342


  1. Kenneth R. Bowling "A Capital before a Capitol: Republican Visions," in Donald R. Kennon ed. A Republic for the Ages: The United States Capitol and the Political Culture of the Early Republic (1999)
  2. Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version
  3. Robert Kelley, "Ideology and Political Culture from Jefferson to Nixon," American Historical Review, 82 (June 1977), 536
  4. J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment p 507
  5. Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967)
  6. Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), pp 49-80
  7. Republican Government. Retrieved on 2006-12-14.
  8. J.G.A. Pocock, "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3#1 (1972), 119–34.
  9. Adams quoted in Paul A. Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution. Volume: 2 (1994) P. 23.
  10. Adams 1776 quoted in Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern 2:23.
  11. "Rousseau, whose romantic and egalitarian tenets had practically no influence on the course of Jefferson's, or indeed any American, thought." Nathan Schachner, Thomas Jefferson: A Biography. (1957). p. 47.
  12. Rodgers (1992)
  13. When Alexander Hamilton proposed at the Constitutional Convention to drastically reduce the power of the states, he won no support and dropped the idea.
  14. Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (2001)
  15. quoted in John C. Miller, Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox (1959) p. 320; online edition of Webster p. 332
  16. Kerber 1997
  17. Dublin, Strike of 1830
  18. Transcript.
  19. Randolph quoted in Banning (1978) p. 262. See Lawrence D. Cress, "Republican Liberty and National Security: American Military Policy as an Ideological Problem, 1783 to 1789." William and Mary Quarterly (1981) 38(1): 73-96. ISSN 0043-5597 Fulltext at Jstor
  20. Samuel F. Scott, "Foreign Mercenaries, Revolutionary War, and Citizen-soldiers in the Late Eighteenth Century." War & Society 1984 2(2): 41-58. ISSN 0729-2473
  21. Ricardo A. Herrera, "Self-governance and the American Citizen as Soldier, 1775-1861." Journal of Military History 2001 65(1): 21-52. ISSN 0899-3718 Fulltext in SwetsWise and Jstor
  22. Wood 1995
  23. Thornton, Politics and Power in a Slave Society: Alabama, 1800-1860 (1981)
  24. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom (1988) p 126; Lewis L. Gould, Grand Old Party (2003) p 14
  25. Richard Jensen, "Democracy, Republicanism and Efficiency: The Values of American Politics, 1885-1930," in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775-2000 (U of Kansas Press, 2001) pp 149-180. online version
  26. John Whiteclay II Chambers,To Raise An Army: The Draft Comes to Modern America (1987)
  27. Gary Hart, Restoration of the Republic: The Jeffersonian Ideal in 21st-Century America (2002) p. 7; Michael Tomasky, "Party in Search of a Notion," The American Prospect (May 2006) online at [1] . James Patterson, "Modern Era" in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775-2000 (U of Kansas Press, 2001)
  28. D. Michael Shafer, The Vietnam-Era Draft in Shafer, ed. The Legacy: The Vietnam War in the American Imagination (1990), 57-79.
  29. 139 U.S. 449, (1891)

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