Ritual servitude is a
practice in Ghana, Togo, and
Benin where traditional religious shrines (popularly
called fetish shrines in Ghana) take
human beings, usually young virgin girls in
payment for services, or in religious atonement for alleged
misdeeds of a family member --almost always a female.
Ghana and in Togo, it is practiced by some parts of the Ewe tribe
in the Volta region, and in Benin it is practiced by the Fon.
These shrine slaves serve the priests, elders and owners of a
traditional religious shrine without remuneration and without their
consent, although the consent of the family or clan may be
involved. Those who practice ritual servitude usually feel that the
girl is serving the god or gods of the shrine and is married to the
gods of the shrine.
These girls are sexually abused
serve at hard labor without compensation, suffer harsh punishment,
and are denied education and human affection. If a girl runs away
or dies, she must be replaced by another girl from the family. Some
girls in ritual servitude are the third or fourth girl in their
family suffering for the same crime, sometimes for something as
trite as the loss of trivial property.It is still practiced in the
Volta region in Ghana, in spite of being outlawed in 1998, and
despite carrying a minimum three year prison sentence for
conviction. Among the Ewes who practice the ritual in Ghana, the
practice is also called trokosi or fiashidi. In Togo and Benin it
is called voodoosi or vudusi.
Other names for ritual servitude
Trokosi-- the general name by which it is called in Ghana by both
proponents and opponents of the practice
Ritual or customary
-- designations by which it is called in Ghana law
forbidding the practice
Fiashidi-- another name used by some districts in Ghana
Woryokwe-- another name used by some districts in Ghana
Vudusi (with many variant spellings: voodoosi, voudousi, vaudounsi,
voudounsi, etc.) the general name by which it is called in
French-speaking countries such as Togo and Benin.
Shrine slavery-- a designation often used by NGO's to describe the
Fetish slavery-- a popular designation used in Ghana (where fetish
means the deity of the shrine)
Heirodulic slavery-- a designation used by Anti-Slavery groups to
distinguish this practice as one combining several types of
Use of the terms "servitude", "slave" and "slavery" in
describing the practice and objections to those appellations
Human rights organizations and other NGO's commonly use the words
"servitude", "slaves," and "slavery" as non-technical,
popularly-understood terms that describe the reality of this
practice. They point out that the practice meets all the
commonly-accepted definitions of slavery.Shrine slaves perform
services which are not voluntary and are not paid. Their lives are
totally controlled by the shrines, who in a sense become their
Proponents of the system of ritual servitude by any of its names
object to this term, but except for the technical terms "trokosi,"
"vudusi," "fiashidi," Woryokoe," the problem is coming up with a
suitable alternative. Sometimes they have compared the trokosi to
traditional queen mothers, implying a sense of respect for them,
but one representative of an NGO who claims to have interviewed
hundreds of participants reports that the participants themselves
are offended at being called queens and insist they are/were simply
Juliana Dogbadzi, who served 17 years as a trokosi, says she was
"slave to a fetish priest."Cudjoe Adzumah made a study of the
practice in the Tongu Districts of Ghana and defined "trokosi" as
"slaves of the gods."
Emmanuel Kwaku Akeampong, a native Ghanaian of Harvard University,
says that "tro" means a "god" and "kosi" is used at different times
to mean either "slave," "virgin," or "wife." Anita Ababio, a
Ghanian lawyer who has extensively researched the issue, explains
that the Adangbe and Ga word, "woryokwe" comes from "won" meaning
cult, and "yokwe," meaning "slave." Thus, she claims, a "woryokwe"
is a "slave of a cult." Robert Kwame Amen in Ghana Studies
also refers to trokosi as an institution of slavery. Likewise,
Stephen Awudi Gadri, President of the Trokosi Abolition Fellowship
of Ghana, and also himself from a shrine family, claims that
trokosi are "slaves of the deities of the shrines." "Though
euphemistically, they are called the 'deity's wives', yet they
serve the priests and elders of the shrine and do all the hard
chores, as well as becoming sexual partners of the priest," Gadri
says. He also says, "the trokosi works for the priest without any
form of remuneration whatsoever," and "it is a form of
slavery."Ababio claims, "The servile status of the trokosi is seen
in the duties they perform in the shrines, for which no payment is
made...unfortunately for most trokosi, when they are freed they are
still bound by rituals which keep them connected or attached to a
shrine for life. Practically it means that these victims of ritual
servitude always have the rights of ownership exercised over them."
She then goes on to quote Article 7 of The Convention on
Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery
, which defines a
slave as "a person over whom any or all powers attaching to the
rights of ownership are exercised." Angela Dwamena-Aboagye, a
Ghanaian lawyer, says ritual servitude is "slavery, pure and
simple. It violates every human right."
Some of the traditional priests also admit the trokosi are slaves.
For example, Togbe Adzimashi Adukpo, a shrine priest, admitted in
an interview with BBC in February 2001, "Yes, the girls are my
slaves. They are the property of my shrine."
On the question of whether trokosi is a form of slavery and whether
sexual abuse is involved the answers are polarized into two camps.
Some traditionalists defend the system saying that it is simply a
cultural practice of certain shrines and as such should be
protected. These defenders claim that while instances of sexual
abuse may occur, there is no evidence that sexual or physical abuse
is an ingrained or systematic part of the practice. According to
them, the practice explicitly forbids a Trokosi to engage in sexual
activity or contact. The other camp is represented by NGO's working
with the trokosi and by former trokosi who have been liberated.
These opponents of the practice have recorded testimony of hundreds
of former (now liberated) trokosi who say that sexual abuse was a
regular part of their time at the shrine, claiming the number of
children born to them by the priest and shrine elders is a
Religious connections of ritual servitude
Simon Abaxer has researched the practice in Ghana. He says that
ritual servitude is part of African Traditional Religion in some
places, but not a universal practice of that religion. A form of it
is also practiced in India and Nepal as part of Hindu religion, and
various forms of it were part of ancient religious traditions of
devotion to various gods and goddesses. It is distinguished from
the Christian monastic tradition at a basic level since ritual
servitude is involuntary on the part of the participant, in
contrast to Christian monasticism, which is voluntary.
Reasons for ritual servitude
There are two major reasons for the practice of ritual servitude.
Most common is the concept of atonement. A girl is given to the
shrine or to the gods as a kind of "living sacrifice" to atone for
the real or alleged crimes of a family member or ancestor, as
discerned by the priest of the shrine. During a process of
divination he calls on the gods of the shrine to reveal this
information. Girls given to atone for such crimes in a sense are
considered a kind of savior, for as long as she remains in the
shrine or under its control, the anger of the god is believed to be
averted from the rest of the family.
The second most frequent reason for the practice of ritual
servitude is that the girl is given for the continuous repayment of
the gods for services believed to have been obtained or favors
believed to have been rendered from the shrine. Thus a girl may be
given into ritual servitude when someone believes a child has been
conceived or a person has been healed, for example, through the
intervention of the shrine.
Proponents of the practice claim that some participants choose a
life of ritual servitude of their own volition, but human rights
organizations claim that while this may be theoretically possible,
they haven't found one yet.
In the past, the traditions of the shrines were veiled in secrecy,
and people dared not discuss them, fearing the wrath of the gods if
they dared to do so. For this reason, the practice was neither
widely known nor well understood. In more recent times, since the
1990s at least, abolitionists and human rights advocates have
penetrated the veil of secrecy. The issue has been widely
discussed, for instance, in the newspapers and on the radio in
Origin and history
In the Dahomey Empire
The giving of virgin girls to the gods was part of many ancient
religions. In West Africa the practice has gone on for at least
several hundred years. Similar practices using similar terminology
were found in the royal court of the Kingdom of Dahomey (in what is
now Benin), in the 1700s and 1800's. Wives, slaves, and in fact all
persons connected with the royal palace of Dahomey were called
"ahosi", from "aho" meaning "king", and "si" meaning "dependent" or
"subordinate." By one estimate there were 5,000 to 7,000 ahosi
living in the palace at Abomey, and no men lived there except for a
few hundred eunuchs were charged with controlling the women. After
sunset no men at all were allowed in the palace except the king,
and he was guarded by women guards called Amazons. The king
controlled every aspect of the lives and even the deaths of the
ahosi. Visitors to old Abomey today are shown a mass grave and told
that the king's wives "volunteered," on his death, to be buried
alive with him in order to accompany him and serve him in the world
to come. One researcher pointed out, "Of course, one should not
make the mistake of ascribing modern democratic meaning to the word
"volunteered" as if the wives wanted to die or had any choice in
the matter. Ahosi who became too powerful or too
independently-minded were simply sacrificed (literally and
physically) in the annual office ceremony lasting several days in
which the power of the king was renewed by hundreds of human
sacrifices, usually performed by public beheadings.
The practice was documented by A.B. Ellis who was an eyewitness of
the practice in the Dahomey Empire (now Benin) in 1895. According
to Ellis, one god called "Khebioso" had 1500 wives in Dahomey
alone, the women being called "kosio". He said they cared for the
shrines of the gods, but their main business was religious
prostitution. According to Ellis, most of the gods of the
Ewe-speaking people at that time had such women who were similarly
consecrated to their service and were commonly considered "wives"
of the gods.
One might argue that those ahosi were wives of the king and lived
in the palace, not wives of the gods living in the shrines. But
that distinction is not as clearcut as it might first seem, for the
palace was the center of Dahomean religious life, and the place
where sacrifices were made and rituals to the ancestors were
performed. Over time, then, it was an easy jump from being ahosi
living lives totally controlled by the king in the palace where
sacrifices were offered and rituals were performed, to being
trokosi living lives totally controlled by a priest in a shrine
where sacrifices were offered and rituals were performed. It was a
very easy transition indeed. Even in the time of the Kingdom of
Dahomey, one reads of the vodun or gods successfully demanding that
someone become a devotee or vodunsi (wife or follower of the
As people migrated within West Africa, the practice spread. Sandra
Greene has noted that in Ghana, the practice dates to at least the
late eighteenth century. At the time the Amlade clan Sui became
very powerful, and began to demand female slaves from those who
sought its services. The practice called "replacement" also began
in Ghana at that time. Under this practice, if a shrine slave died
or ran away, the family was required to replace her with another
girl. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Nyigbla became
the chief Anlo deity, and its shrines also began to demand slaves
for its services. Involuntary slavery, however, was not at that
time and in that place common, since Nyigbla also instituted a
practice called foasi, whereby two servants were recruited annually
on a more-or-less voluntary basis. At that time, the slaves were
often married to members of powerful priestly families.
History of Opposition to the Practice
In Colonial Times
It is reported by traditionalists that since the mid-eighteenth
century the Bremen missionaries decried the practice and purchased
freedom for individual trokosi, which were then called "new made
slaves," converting them to Christianity.
When Ghana (then Gold
) was under colonial rule, a few citizens complained about
the practice, but the colonial masters turned their heads. They
derided him as "the blind man who wants to help others see." The
colonial government did investigate the practice at Atigo shrine
near Battor from 1919 to 1924. The investigating District
Commissioner, W. Price Jones, called it "a pernicious habit of
handing girls over to the fetish," but for economic reasons,
decided not to interfere. As a result of that inquiry, shrine
slaves held at the Atigo shrine were told they could return home if
they wished. Soon after, the colonial government ignored another
complaint that the shrine was still keeping trokosi. After that,
the practice slid back into secrecy and was not brought to the
public consciousness again until 1980.
In the 1980's
The practice was drawn into the national spotlight at that time
when Mark Wisdom
, a Baptist pastor,
responded to what he claims was a vision from God, and challenged
the system in the national media. Wisdom claimed that as he prayed,
he saw a vision of women in bonds, crying out for help. Wisdom
claimed to have later discovered these same women on one of his
evangelistic missions, held in bondage in a shrine just across the
Volta River from his home, but previously unknown to him. He began
publicly denouncing the practice, so much so that headlines in
Ghana screamed that he was not afraid of the shrine priests. Wisdom
wrote a book on the subject, founded FESLIM (Fetish Slaves
Liberation Movement), and was instrumental in some of the earliest
liberations, but it was his bold public statements reported in the
news that pricked the national consciousness.
In the 1990's
In the early 1990s, Ghanaian journalist Vincent Azumah found
courage to write publicly about the practice and sparked a
nationwide debate. Then the International Federation of Women
Laywyers in Ghana (FIDA)organized an investigation into shrine
practices and issued a report in 1992. These events took place
while Jerry Rawlings still held the presidency of Ghana with an
iron fist. Rawlings and his administration were defenders of
African Traditional Religion, calling it the "African Heritage" and
a cause for national pride. One example of this was his granting of
free air time to the founder of the Afrikania movement, Okomfo
Damuah, at a time when Christian churches were virtually denied
access to both radio and TV. Azumah and FIDA's actions were very
bold in the light of the political climate of the day.
The Ghana National Commission on Children brought attention to the
issue during the celebration of the Organization of African Unity
Day of the African Child on June 16, 1993. In 1994 and 1995
Ghanaian lawyer Anita Heymann Ababio researched the practice in the
light of Ghanaian law, and recommendations from this research later
became a Law Reform Commission report to the Ghana government in
1995. According to Emmanuel Kweku Akeampong, a Ghanaian professor
of history at Harvard University, the practice of trokosi was much
in the national attention in 1996 and 1997.
Outlawed in Ghana 1998
In 1998 the Law Reform Commission, drawing on the recommendations
of Ababio and others, drafted a law specifying "ritual or customary
servitude" as a crime. The law passed, requiring a mandatory
three-year prison term for those found guilty.
International Award 1999
In 1999 Juliana Dogbadzi, a former trokosi, won the Reebok Human
Rights Award for her efforts in speaking up on behalf of her fellow
NGO's oppose the practice
Although the practice was outlawed in Ghana in 1998, it continued,
due to fear and the reluctance of the government to interfere with
traditional practices. Some NGO's had already worked to liberate
shrines, but after the law did not solve the problem, NGO's began
to get even more seriously involved in advocating against the
practice and in working for agreements to reduce the practice by
liberating individual shrines.Some of the organizations that have
joined the effort are UNICEF, International Needs Network Ghana,
the Swiss "Sentry Movement", Trokosi Abolition Fellowship, the
Anti-Slavery Society, and Every Child Ministries. Survivors for
Change is a group of former trokosi who have banded together to
speak up against the practice. Organizations that have been most
active in liberating ritual slaves are FESLIM (Fetish Slaves
Liberation Movement), founded by Mark Wisdom, International Needs,
and Every Child Ministries. Christian NGO's and human rights
organizations have been fighting it--working to end the practice
and to win liberation for the shrine slaves. They have carried out
their activities with strong support from CHRAJ--The Commission on
Human Rights and Administrative Jusice--and the Ministry of Women's
and Children's Affairs. A Court of Women was organized in Accra in
2003 to continue the fight against the practice.
Meaning of "Trokosi" and "Vudusi"
a traditional practice alleged by many to be a form sexual slavery in some parts of Ghana, Togo, and
In Ghana, it is practised by the Ewes in
the Volta region and by their counterparts in Togo and Benin. In
this practice, young girls, usually under the age of 10 and
sometimes as young as three, are given to village fetish shrine
priests as sexual/domestic slaves or "wives of the gods" in
compensation for offenses allegedly committed, or debts incurred,
by a member of the girl's family, or as payment for favours sought
from the shrine. In Togo and Benin the slaves are called Voodoosi
or vudusi (French spelling "vaudounsi"). The Anlo people of Ghana
call the practice fiashidi
The practice continues in Ghana despite a 1998 law against "ritual
or customary servitude" mandating a three-year prison sentence on
conviction. No one has yet been prosecuted under the law. Women's
groups, human rights groups and Christian NGOs continue to strive
to end the practice, and have won the liberation of over 2000
slaves by negotiating agreements with individual
shrine communities to end the practice in those places.
The word trokosi
comes from the Ewe
words "tro", meaning deity or fetish, and
"kosi", meaning female slave. The "tro" deity is not, according to
African traditional religion, the Creator or what might be called
the "High" or Ultimate God. "Tro" refers to what African
Traditional Religion calls the "small gods" or "lesser
deities"--spirits of nature, etc. which are venerated in
traditional religion. The term trokosi
commonly used in English in Ghana, as a loanword
Categories of Tro Adherents
- Those who join the Tro of their own volition
(extremely rare) and those who were born to women associated with
the Tro and initiated as children (Trovivo);
- Those thought to have been born through the intervention of the
Tro (Dorflevivo) and thus incur a lifetime
obligation of servitude to the tro;
- Those allegedly called by the tro to serve as priest and
priestesses of the shrine (Tronua);
- Those who were forced to become Trokosi to repay the
Tro because their family supposedly benefited from
- Those Trokosi who are sent by families, often against
the will of the girl involved, out of fear that if they do not do
so, further calamities may afflict them through the anger of the
shrine deities. This last group consists of those vestal virgins
who are sent into servitude at the shrines of the Troxovi
due to crimes allegedly committed by their senior or elder family
members, almost always males like fathers, grandfathers, and
uncles. The trokosi is sort of a "living sacrifice," who by her
suffering is thought to save the family from trouble.
Opponents of the practice claim that all except those who joined of
their own volition are virtually slaves in every normal sense of
NGO's point out that practices in traditional shrines vary, but
trokosi are usually denied education, suffer a life of hardship,
and are a lonely lot, stigmatized by society.
The period of servitude varies from a few months to life. In some
cases it involves payment of a heavy fine to the shrine, which can
require many years of hard labor or even a lifetime of service to
pay. In shrines where the period of servitude is limited, after a
ritual and sometimes after months or years in the shrine, the
Trokosi returns to her family, but her life is still controlled by
the shrine for the rest of her life. Supporters of the practice
claim that in the vast majority of cases, there is no particular
stigma attached to one's status as a former Trokosi shrine
participant. NGOs working to rehabilitate former trokosi say that
the social stigma is immense and that it is the most enduring and
difficult aspect of the practice.
Main variations in the practice
Ritual slavery shows a high degree of cohesiveness, but there are
many significant differences as it is practiced in various shrines
and in various areas. Every Child Ministries, a Christian NGO that
has done much research on the topic, lists these as variations that
they have observed in their work:
Entry age of the participants
Most frequently those in ritual servitude are young virgin girls at
the time of entry into the shrine. Of course, the girls grow up, so
where their servitude is long or lifetime, the participants are of
Length of service
There are two basic lengths of service--perpetual or lifetime
service and limited service. One traditional priest expressed the
view that once a crime had been committed, it had to be atoned for
until the end of time. This is the view of lifetime or perpetual
service. Shrine slaves serving for a lifetime have no hope of ever
getting free unless outsiders intervene on their behalf. In some
shrines, in some areas, and for some alleged crimes, the service is
limited to a specific number of years. In other cases, a
substantial fee is exacted from the shrine slave or her family. The
girls work to try to earn that fee, but in reality the fee is so
high and their means of paying it so low that there is virtually no
hope of ever paying off the debt that has been laid on them.
Practice of replacement
Where perpetual or lifetime servitude is practiced, the shrines
often, but not always, practice what they call "replacement." when
a trokosi or vudusi dies or runs away, she has to be replaced by
another virgin from the same family or clan. Some human rights
interviewers report that they have interviewed numerous girls who
were the third or fourth replacements for their families for a
crime that was allegedly committed long ago.
Practice of rape or obligatory sex with the priest and elders
of the shrine
In most shrines it is considered a duty of the shrine slaves to
have obligatory sex with the priest and sometimes the elders. The
priest's genital organs have been dedicated to the gods of the
shrine, so having sex with him is considered a sacred act--in a
sense, copulating with the gods. This is the origin and meaning of
the term "wives of the gods." Many trokosi and vudusi have
described beatings and other severe punishments imposed on them for
refusing sex with the priest. In Ghana, human rights orgnanizations
monitoring the practice which is there called "trokosi" claim that
shrine slaves there end up with an average of four children while
in servitude, many of them by the priest or elders of the shrines.
Proponents of ritual servitude deny that this is a part of the
practice. There seem to be wide differences between practices in
different districts, but Rouster claims that the problem of forced
sex in many of the shrines is too well documented to be
Treatment of shrine slaves
Treatment of girls in the shrine varies as to feeding practices,
reasons for and severity of punishments, sleeping and living
conditions. Severe and widespread problems have been documented in
all these areas by human rights organizations. Many of the shrine
slaves are required to do heavy physical labor like cultivating
fields with a hand hoe. Other common duties are weaving mats,
making and selling firewood (with all profits going to the priest
or the shrine), fetching wood and water, sweeping the compound and
attending the images of the gods.
Liberation of Shrine Slaves
's and other human
organizations are fighting the practice. Since the
1990s, these groups have actively sought to liberate girls held in
ritual servitude. Liberation has been done on a shrine-by-shrine
basis, with NGO's seeking to reach community-wide agreements that
all the slaves of a particular shrine will be liberated and the
practice of slavery or ritual servitude will be permanently ended
in that place. When such an agreement is reached, a public ceremony
is held for the signing of the documents and often, liberation
certificates for the former slaves. The shrine is compensated for
its loss and the former trokosi begin a process of rehabilitation
which usually includes learning vocational skills.
The most active groups in liberating shrine slaves through
negotiated community agreements have been FESLIM, Fetish Slaves
Liberation Movement, International Needs Network, and Every Child
The first liberation ceremonies were held at Lomo and Me shrines in
Volo in October 1996, at three shrines in Dorfor in December 1996,
and at Atigo shrine in Battor in January 1997. International
Needs Network liberated 400 trokosi from a group of small shrines
in November 2000, and 126 at Adidome in November 2001. Every Child
Ministries cooperated with International Needs Network to liberate
465 trokosi from three shrines of the Agave area in January 2003.
Every Child Ministries continued to liberate 94 shrine slaves from
Aklidokpo shrine near Adidome in January 2004 and 120 from
Sovigbenor shrine in Aflao in December 2005. Shrines of the Anlo
clan in Ghana also hold trokosi, but have resisted liberation and
defended the practice, defending their practice of trokosi as being
more humane than the practices of other districts. Human rights
organizations insist that the practice must be totally
Similar practices in other countries
- Field Findings on the System of Slavery Commonly Known as
Trokosi, L W Rouster,M.R.E., ECMAfrica Publications, 2005, p.
- Rouster, Wives of the gods--An Analysis of West African
Ritual Servitude, L W Rouster, M.R.E., ECMAfrica Publications,
2008, PO Box 810, Hebron, IN 46341,, p. 1.
- "Heirodulic Slavery" www.anti-slaverysociety.com
- Rouster, Wives of the gods, p. 2.
- Rouster, Wives of the gods p. 2.
- Juliana Dogbadzi, PARADE magazine, "One Voice," September 24,
2000, p. 7.
- Cudjoe Adzumah, "The Trokosi Practice in N Tongu: Its Impact on
the Rights of Women and Children, BA Thesis, Sociology Department,
University of Ghana, 1996.
- Emmanuel Kwaku Akeampong, Between the Sea and the Lagoon,
an Eco-Social History of the Anlo of Southeastern Ghana c. 1850 to
Recent Times, Ohio University Press, Athens, OH, James Currey,
Oxford, 2001, p. 221.
- Anita Mamusina Heymann Ababio, "Trokosi, Woryokwe, Cultural and
Individual Rights: A Case Study of Women's Empowerment and
Community Rights in Ghana, St. Mary's University, Halifax, Nova
Scotia, August 22, 2000, p. 4.
- Robert Kwame Amen, Trokosi (Child Slavery) in Ghana, a
Policy Approach, Ghana Studies I, 1998, p. 35-62.
- Stephen Awudi Gadri, History of the Trokosi System in
Ghana, Vol. 1, Paper presented to the First National Congress
on the Trokosi System, June 29, 2000, p. 4.
- Gadri, p. 7.
- Gadri, p. 8-9.
- Ababio, p. 71.
- Ababio, quoting The Supplementary Convention on the
Abolition of Slavery, and Institutions and Practices Similar to
Slavery, 1956, ECOSOC, Res. 608, XXI, 1956. This convention
has been ratified and acceded to by Ghana.
- Humphrey Hawaley, "Ghana's Trapped Slaves", BBC News, February
- Rouster, Field Findings, p. 6.
- Simon Abaxer, "Trokosi Situation on the Ground in Volta
Region", ECMAfrica Publications, 2007, p. 1
- Rouster, Field Findings p. 4.
- Rouster, Field Findings p. 5.
- Rouster, Field Findings p. 6.
- Every Child Ministries, The Three Pillars of Trokosi,
- Wives of the Leopard-- Gender, Politics & Culture in the
Kingdom of Dahomey, Edna G. Bay, University of Virginia Press,
1998, p. 8.
- Warrior Women, The Amazons of Dahomey & the Nature of War",
Robert B. Edgerton, University of California at Los Angeles,
Westview Press, 2000, p. 15 & 52.
- "Lorella Rouster, Report on Visit to the Ancient Kingdom of
Dahomey, May 2006, ECM Publications, p.2.
- Edgerton, Warrior Women, p. 53.
- A.B. Ellis, Major, First Battalion West India Regiment, The
Ewe-Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa,
Bahamas, 1890, republished by Benin Press, Chicago, 1965, p.
- Wives of the Leopard, p. 22.
- Sandra E. Greene, Gender, Ethnicity and Social Change on the
Upper Slave Coast: A History of the Anlo-Ewe, Portsmouth, 1996, p.
- Akeampong,p. 225.
- Pyramid of Yahweh, about trokosi, p. 4.
- National Archives of Ghana, Accra, ADM 11/1/768 Acting District
Commissioner of Ada, W. Price Jones to Commissioner for the Eastern
Province (CEP), 10 March, 1920.
- National Archives of Ghana, CEP, to Secretary of Native
Affairs, Koforidua, 10 September 1924.
- Interview with Mark Wisdom granted to the VR staff of Every
Child Ministries, June 2006.
- Ababio, p. 21.
- Heymann, Ababio A., The Impact of the Constitutional
Provisions on the Customary Disabilities of Women in Ghana,
Report on the Abolition of Ritual Slavery, Forced Labour and Other
Related Practices, Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, University
of London, April 1995.
- Akeampong, p. 221-226.
- The Criminal Code of Ghana, Act. 1998 Act. 554.
- James Aidoo, "Ghana, Liberating the Trokosi" p. 1.
- The Trokosi System, Mark Wisdom, FESLIM, 2001, p.
- Wisdom, p.3
- The Criminal Code of Ghana, Act. 1998 Act. 554.
- Dictionary of Trokosi Terms,www.trokosi.com
- Rouster, Field Findings, p. 5
- Interview with Lorella Rouster, International Director of Every
Child Ministries, June 2006.
- Interview with Rouster, ECM, 2006.
- Nirit Ben-Ari, "Liberating Girls from Trokosi" from Africa
Recovery, Vol 15, #4, Dec. 2001, p. 26.
Information on Trokosi--Specialized Dictionary of Trokosi Terms,
Commission for Truth on Trokosi, p.3.
Report on Trokosi Institution, Researched and Written by Dr. Elom
Dovlo, University of Ghana, Legon, 1995.
"Fighting Child Slavery in West Africa," Lorella Rouster, SST/GH,
Fall 2007, Union Gospel Press, Cleveland, OH
"Trokosi--Should This Practice Be Allowed to Continue?",
Progressive Utilization, Vol. 2. No. 1, PO Box C267 Cantonments
Communication Centre, Accra, Ghana, 1995.