The Roman triumph
( ) was a civil ceremony
and religious rite
of ancient Rome
origins and development remain obscure: ancient Roman historians
placed the first triumph in the mythical past. The triumph publicly
celebrated and sanctified the military achievements of an army
commander who had won great military successes, or originally and
traditionally, one who had successfully completed a foreign war. In
the Republican tradition, the triumphing general was ritually
elevated to near-divine or near-kingly status for the day of the
triumph, and thereafter retained the right to be described as
(roughly, "man honoured with triumph") for
the rest of his life. After his death he was represented at the
funeral of every descendant by a hired actor wearing his death-mask
) and clad in the all-purple, gold-embroidered
triumphal toga picta
("painted" toga). In
the social and political instability of the Late republic, the
triumph became a powerful tool of propaganda for military-political
opportunists. From the Principate onwards, it reflected the ritual,
military and political pre-eminence of the Imperial family. Most
Roman accounts of triumphs were written to provide a moral lesson,
rather than to provide an accurate description of processional
rites. This allows for only tentative, and possibly misleading
reconstruction and interpretation which combine accounts from
various periods. Nevertheless, the triumph is considered a
characteristically Roman ceremony which represented Roman wealth,
power and grandeur, and has been consciously imitated by medieval
and later states.
Closer view of the column, an
invaluable graphic depiction of the arms, equipment and structure
of the Roman army in the time of Trajan.
Many Romans presumed - as do some modern historians - that Rome's
sense of conservatism and continuity could trace the essentials of
the Triumphal rite and its meaning from the Imperial period to the
days of Rome's foundation. For Romans, this meant that the triumph
was sanctified by its mythic antiquity. The exclamation which
accompanied the triumphal rite was attested in the Carmen Arvale
, a religious chant already
ancient by Republican times, and probably as obscure to most Romans
as it is to modern scholarship. Roman etymologists thought it a
borrowing via Etruscan
). Plutarch (and
other Roman sources) accorded the first Roman triumph to Romulus
, in celebration of his victory over King
Acron of the Caeninenses
traditionally coeval with Rome's foundation in 753BCE: this was
held to explain the unique ritual costume of the vir
projected an even more
fabulous and poetic antecedent in the triumphal return of the god
from his conquest of
India, drawn in a golden chariot by tigers and surrounded by
assorted drunkards. Arrian
Dionysian and "Roman" elements to a victory procession of Alexander the Great
The vir triumphalis
In Pre-Republican and Republican Rome, truly exceptional military
achievement merited the highest possible honours, in the form of
the Triumph. The rituals of the Triumph connected the person of the
to the greatness of the mythical and
semi-mythical Roman past. From the time of Scipio Africanus, he was
linked - at least in the opinion of historians during the
Principate - to both Alexander and to the demi-god Hercules, who
had laboured selflessly for the benefit of all mankind.
The triumphal costume reflected further possible connections to the
Roman past, which appear to have occasioned ambivalent feelings in
some "observers" - admittedly at a distance of up to several
hundred years. In effect, the celebrant was close to being "king
for a day", and possibly close to divinity. He wore the regalia
traditionally associated both with the ancient Roman monarchy and
with the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus
: the purple and
gold "toga picta", laurel crown, red boots and (again, possibly)
the reddened face of Rome's supreme deity.
Towards the end of the Republic, Cicero noted how
self-aggrandisement could be extended to dynastic ancestors, and
further distort an already fragmentary and unreliable historical
Development in the Republic
In the Late Republic, the triumph was increasingly exploited by
political-military adventurers. Accounts from this time combine
nostalgia for Rome's vanished and virtuous past with fears for its
future. Beard notes that the decline of the "peasant virtues" of
ancient Rome was said to match the growth in triumphal
ostentation.. Dionysius of
' imaginative account of Romulus' triumph (almost
certainly informed by equally nostalgic Roman sources) led him to
reflect that the triumphs of his own day (Ca 60 BCE – after 7 BCE)
"departed in every respect from the ancient tradition of
Triumphal accounts in this era of growth, cultural absorption and
political instability find the erosion of "Roman virtue" in the
fruits of conquest. Livy gives due attention to the plundered
wealth of statuary, gold and silver, but particular weight to the
specialist chefs, flute girls, one-legged tables and other
"dinner-party amusements" brought to Rome from exotic Galatia
for the (putative) triumph of Gnaeus Manlius
Vulso in 187BCE. Livy's account of the spoils is thorough, not only
in his descriptions of its pernicious "foreign luxuries" but its
captives, wagonloads of booty and the celebratory songs of the
soldiery. Yet Florus
has the senate turn down
Vulso's application - no triumph takes place.
Roman sources can therefore be contradictory. Livy
make a self-deprecatory request for victories in
Spain in 206BCE - without much expectation. Although Scipio had
been an aedilis curulis
, his command rights in Spain had
been granted by a special vote of the People, and there was as yet
no precedent for a triumph except in a senior magistracy with
command rights (praetura or consulate) or with command rights
extended from such a magistacy (viri pro praetore
). And it was on these grounds that the request
was refused. Polybius
, on the other hand,
describes its splendours - and reactions to them - in detail.
"Contemporary" accounts are therefore far from being mere
celebrations of militarism, still less of the personal power and
success of the vir triumphalis
. Some seem to infer what
ought to have happened, extolling humility and service by remarking
the perils of vaunting personal pride and ambition. Most are
preoccupied more by the lessons to be drawn from what was
exceptional, strange or superlative than by the "obvious" ritual
details, which accordingly are sketchy, interpretive or
The Fasti Triumphales
Fasti Triumphales (also called Acta Triumphalia)
are fragmentary, inscribed stone tablets which were erected
somewhere in the Forum
Romanum during the reign of the first emperor, Augustus,
and date from approximately 12BCE.
They record over 200
triumphs, starting with three mythical triumphs of Romulus in
753BCE, and ending with that of Lucius Cornelius Balbus
They were part of the Augustan fasti Capitolini
standard modern edition is that of Attilio Degrassi
, in Inscriptiones
, vol.XIII, fasc.1 (Rome, 1947).
Intact entries give the formal name, including filiation (forenames
of father and grandfather) of the vir triumphalis
name of the people(s) or command province whence the triumph was
awarded, and the date of the actual ceremonial procession into the
. Fragments of similar date and style from Rome and
provincial Italy appear to be modeled on the Augustan
, and fill some of its gaps.
Other memorial evidence
Unequivocal physical evidence for Republican triumphal practice is
very rare. None has survived from the pre-Republican era.(para
In the Republic, the triumph was the highest honour. In order to
receive a triumph, the dux
- Win a significant victory over a foreign enemy, killing at
least 5,000 enemy troops, and earn the title imperator.
- Be an elected magistrate with the
power of imperium, i.e. a dictator, consul,
or a praetor.
- Bring the army home, signifying that the war was over and that
the army was no longer needed. This only applied with a citizen
army. By the imperial period the proper triumph was reserved for
the emperor and his family. If a general was awarded a triumph by
the emperor, he would march with a token number of his troops.
- In the Republican period, the senate had to give approval for a
triumph based on the above mentioned requirements.
Internal conflicts (civil wars) did not, at least in theory, merit
triumphs. The defeated enemy had to be of equal status, so
defeating a slave revolt could therefore not earn a triumph.
Processional order and rites
In the absence of complete or clear records of any triumphal
ceremony, attempted reconstruction presumes a traditional,
conservative framework in which details omitted from one account
can be furnished from another. A reconstruction follows, based on
The ceremony began outside the Servian
in the Campus Martius
the western bank of the Tiber
. The vir
triumphalis entered the city in his chariot through the Porta Triumphalis
, which was only opened
for these occasions. As he entered the city (as defined by the
, he was met by the senate
and legally surrendered his command.
then proceeded along the Via
Triumphalis (the modern Via dei Fori Imperiali) to the
Circus Flaminius then the Circus Maximus. A captured enemy ruler or general might be
taken to the Tullianum and strangled (this was the fate of Jugurtha and Vercingetorix, though some defeated leaders,
such as Zenobia of Palmyra, were
spared). The procession continued along the Via Sacra to the Forum and ascended the Capitoline Hill to the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the final destination.
The route would be
lined with cheering crowds who would shower the triumphator with
At the Capitoline Hill the vir triumphalis sacrificed white bulls
. He then entered the
temple to offer his wreath to the god as a sign that he had no
intentions of becoming the king of Rome.
Once this part of the ceremony was over,
temples were kept open and incense
the altars. The soldiers would disperse to the city to celebrate.
Often a banquet was served for the citizens in the evening.
To better celebrate the triumph, a monument was sometimes erected.
the origin of the Arch of
Titus and the Arch of Constantine, not far from the Colosseum, or perhaps near a battle site as is the case for
The monumental Meta
was erected by the Flavians
to mark the point where the triumph
route turned from the Via Triumphalis
into the Via Sacra
and the Forum.
It is difficult to determine what is a "real" Roman triumph in the
late period. Therefore it is also impossible to say who was the
last triumphator. The candidates include Emperor Honorius
and Flavius Belisarius
"sitting in" for Emperor Justinian I
in recognition for his victory over the Vandals
. It was held in Constantinople in 534.
During the approximately 1900 years of the history from the
beginnings of the Roman Republic
the final disappearance of the Eastern
about 500 triumphs were celebrated.
- The Senate, headed by the magistrates without their lictors.
- Carts with the spoils of war
- White bulls for sacrifice
- The arms and insignia of the conquered enemy
- The enemy leaders themselves, with their relatives and other
- The lictors of the imperator, their fasces
wreathed with laurel
- The imperator himself, in a chariot
drawn by two (later four) horses
- The adult sons and officers of the imperator
- The army without weapons or armor (since the procession would
take them inside the pomerium), but clad in
togas and wearing wreaths. During the later
periods, only a selected company of soldiers would follow the
commander in the triumph, as a singular honour.
The imperator may possibly have had his face painted red and wore a
and a toga picta
may have been accompanied in his chariot by a slave holding a
golden wreath above his head and constantly reminding the commander
of his mortality by whispering into his ear. However, this is based
on slender and disputed evidence.
The words that the slave is said to have used are not known, but
suggestions include "Respica te, hominem te memento"
("Look behind you, remember you are only a man") and "Memento mori"
("Remember (that you are)
Exotic animals, musicians and slaves carrying pictures of conquered
cities and signs with names of conquered peoples are found in
accounts by .
claims that the emperor Vespasian
regretted his own triumph, because its
vast length and slow movement bored him.
Some significant Triumphs
The Ovation and Alban Mount Triumph of M. Marcellus, 211
Livy XXVI 21:
At the end of that same summer when M. Marcellus had
come to the City from Sicily province the Senate was given for him
at the temple of Bellona by the praetor C. Calpurnius. (2) There,
once he had described his achievements, he complained mildly about
his soldiers' lot more than his own regarding the fact that after
the settlement of the province he had not been permitted to bring
his army home. He also asked that he be permitted to enter the City
in triumph. He did not obtain his request. (3) After a lengthy
debate whether it was less appropriate to refuse a triumph to man,
in his presence, in whose name when absent a thanksgiving
(supplicatio) had been decreed and honour paid to the
Immortal Gods by reason of the things successfully accomplished
under his leadership, (4) or for a man to triumph as though a war
had been concluded whom they had ordered to hand over his army to a
successor (something that would not be decreed if no war remained
in the province) when his army, the witness of a deserved as of an
undeserved triumph, was far away, the middle course seemed best:
that he should enter the City in ovation (ovans). (5) The
tribunes of plebs proposed to the People on the authority of the
Senate that there should be command rights (imperium) for
M. Marcellus on the day he should enter the City in ovation. (6) On
the day before he was due to enter the City he triumphed on the
Alban Mount. Then in ovation he brought much booty before him into
the City. (7) Together with a painting of the capture of Syracuse,
catapults, ballistae and all the other engines of war were
carried along, as well as the ornaments of a peace of long duration
and of royal opulence, (8) plate of skilfully wrought silver and
bronze, other household furniture, precious garments and many
renowned statues by which Syracuse had been distinguished among the
foremost cities of Greece. (9) In addition eight elephants were led
by to symbolize his Punic victory and not the least spectacle were
Sosis of Syracuse and the Spaniard Moericus proceeding in front
with golden wreaths. (10) Of these the one had been the nocturnal
guide of the entry into Syracuse while the other had betrayed the
Island and the garrison there. (11) Citizenship was granted to them
both and it was ordered that five hundred iugera of land
be granted to each of them too: for Sosis in the Land of Syracuse
which had belonged either to the king or enemies of the Roman
People, plus such a house in Syracuse that he desired belonging to
anyone who had been punished according to the laws of war, (12):
for Moericus and the Spaniards who had gone over with him, a city
and land in Sicily belonging to those who had defected from the
Roman People. (13) M. Cornelius was commissioned to assign to them
the city and land wherever seemed right to him. Four hundred
iugera of land in that same territory were decreed to
Belligenes, by whom Moericus had been enticed to swap
Cf. Plutarch Marcellus
Note that the rewards accorded to Sosis and Moericus made them not
just Roman citizens but wealthy ones in the prima classis
and hence potential candidates for office in Rome.
Later in the year the Sicilian commander, M. Cornelius Cethegus,
awarded the city of Morgantina and its lands to Moericus and his
Spaniard mercenaries. The destruction which ensued during the
expulsion of the Greek population has been excavated by modern
archaeologists and the finds are central to the great controversy
of the introduction of the Roman denarius silver coinage.
The three triumphs of Pompeius Magnus
The three triumphs awarded Pompey Magnus were thoroughly
documented, not least because they were controversial to their
contemporaries and to later writers. His first, in 80 or 81 BCE,
was technically illegal, reluctantly granted by a cowed and divided
Senate when Pompey was aged only 24, a mere equestrian.. Roman
conservatives disapproved. For others, his youthful success was the
mark of a prodigious military talent, divine favour and personal
brio that merited popular support. However, the triumphal day did
not go quite to plan. To represent his African conquest, and
perhaps to outdo even Bacchus, Pompey had a team of elephants yoked
to his triumphal chariot, but they proved too tight a fit for one
of the gates en route to the Capitol. Pompey had to dismount and
wait while a horse team was yoked in their place. This
embarrassment would have delighted his critics, and probably some
of his soldiers - whose demands for cash had been near-mutinous.
Even so, his firm stand on the matter of cash raised his standing
among the conservatives, and Pompey seems to have learned a lesson
in populist politics.
For his second triumph, his donatives were said to break all
records, though the amounts in Plutarch's account are implausibly
high: Pompey’s lowest ranking soldiers each received 6000
(about six times their
annual pay) and his officers around 5 million sesterces
His third triumph, held in 61BCE to celebrate his victory over
Mithradates, was an opportunity to outdo even himself - and
certainly his rivals. Triumphs traditionally lasted for one day.
Pompey’s went on for two days of unprecedented novelty, wealth and
luxury. Plutarch claimed that this triumph represented Pompey's -
and therefore Rome's - domination over the entire world, an
achievement to outshine even Alexander's.Pliny's narrative dwells
upon a gigantic portrait-bust of Pompey, a thing of “eastern
splendor” entirely covered with pearls, and with the benefit of
hindsight, has this disembodied head anticipate Pompey’s later
defeat at Pharsalus and subsequent decapitation in Egypt. In 55BCE,
's "gift to the Roman People" of a
gigantic, architecturally daring theatre was dedicated to Venus Victrix
, and thereby connected the once
equestrian vir triumphalis
to Aeneas, son of Venus and
ancestor of Rome itself. For its inauguration, the portico was
filled with the spoils of his wars, including statuary, paintings
and the personal wealth of foreign kings. Beard interprets this as
a commemoration and extension of triumphal fame.
Triumph as Imperial privilege
The triumphal destination was the temple of Jupiter
(Capitoline Jupiter), to whom the victor offered
his laurel crown and two perfect white bulls as a thanks-offering.
The distinctive "kingly" (or possibly, godly) costume and
appearance of the vir triumphalis
had been traditionally
reserved for his temporary elevation on his day of triumph.
In the few years that led up to the Principate, these restrictions
were eroded. Julius Caesar was granted the right to wear the laurel
wreath and “some elements” of triumphal dress at all festivals -
Cassius Dio adds that Caesar wore the laurel wreath “wherever and
whenever”, excusing this as a cover to his baldness.
Following Caesar's murder, Octavian assumed permanent title of
and inaugurated his well prepared principate
under the name Augustus in 27 BCE.
Only the year before he had blocked the senatorial award of a
triumph to Marcus Licinius
, despite the latter's acclamation in the field as
Imperator and his eminent merit by all traditional criteria -
barring only full consulship. Augustus claimed the victory as his
own but permitted Crassus a second, listed on the Fasti for 27 BCE,
by which time Augustus was abolishing various proconsulates to form
his own Imperial provinces. Crassus was also denied the rare (and
in his case, technically permissible) honour of dedicating the
spolia opima of this campaign to Jupiter Feretrius
. Inscriptions on the
come to a seemingly abrupt full-stop in
19BCE, by which time the triumph had been absorbed into the
Augustan Imperial cult
system in which only the emperor - the supreme Imperator
(or very occasionally, a close relative who had glorified the
) - would be accorded such a supreme honour.
Those outside the Imperial family, like Aulus Plautius
, might be granted a "lesser triumph", or
Thereafter the number and frequency of triumphs fell dramatically.
Only 5 are known up to 71CE, none between the triumph of Claudius
over Britain (44CE) and Trajan's posthumous triumph of 117-8CE, and
none from then until the triumph of Marcus Aurelius over Parthia in
166CE. For this period as for all others, historical sources
presume a shared experience with their readership, despite the
increasing rarity of Triumphal ceremony. Instead of ceremonial
detail they offer statistics (which may or may not be wildly
inflated) and lessons in virtue. There is little reason to prefer
one version to another - few, if any, are primary sources. Most
were compiled long after the triumph had been fully co-opted into a
Imperial-monarchic system of government which to an earlier
Republican would have seemed very un-Roman indeed.
Standardized reconstructions are largely inventive, but offer an
orderly and serviceable set of instructions. These were used to
organise processions which sought ennobling connections with the
classical past, particularly during the Renaissance when the
fragmentary Fasti were unearthed and partially restored. In 1550
CE, the triumphant entry into Rouen of Henri II of France was
compared to Pompey's third triumph of 61BCE at Rome: "No less
pleasing and delectable than the third triumph of Pompey...
magnificent in riches and abounding in the spoils of foreign
nations". A triumphal arch made for the entry into Paris of Louis
XIII in 1628 carried a depiction of Pompey.
Listing of the Roman viri triumphales to 19 B.C.
See the Fasti Triumphales
- Polybius VI 53
- Beard et al, vol. 1, 44-5, 59-60: see also Plutarch, Romulus
(trans. Dryden) at The Internet Classics Archive 
- Bowersock, 1994, 157.
- Ovid, The Erotic Poems, 1.2.19-52. Trans P.
- Pliny attributes the invention of the triumph to "Father
Liber" (identified with
Dionysus): see Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 7.57 (ed.
Bostock) at Perseus: 
- Bosworth, 67-79, notes that Arrian's attributions here are
non-historic and their details almost certainly apocryphal: Arrian,
6, 28, 1-2.
- Beard, 72-5. See also Diodorus, 4.5 at Thayer: 
- Beard et al, 85-7: see also Polybius, 10.2.20, who
suggests that Scipio's assumption of divine connections (and the
personal favour of divine guidance) was unprecedented and
suspiciously "Greek" to his more conservative peers.
- See also Galinsky, 106, 126-49, for Heraklean/Herculean
associations with Alexander, and with Scipio and later triumphing
- Cicero, Brutus, 63.
- See also Livy, 8, 40.
- Beard, 79, notes at least one ancient case of what seems
blatant fabrication, in which two triumphs became three.
- Beard, 67: citing Valerius Maximus, 4.4.5., and Apuleius,
- Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities,
- Livy, 39.6-7: cf Pliny, Historia Naturalis,
- Livy, 39, 6-7. Florus, Epitome Rerum Romanarum, 1,
- Livy, 28, 38, 4-5.
- Polybius, 11.33.7.
- Beard, 4.
- Romulus' three triumphs are confirmed by Dionysius of
Halicarnassus (Antiquitates Romanae, 2.54.2 & 2.55.5)
who may have seen the Fasti: but Livy (1.10.5-7) allows
Romulus the spolia opima, not a "triumph". Neither
author mentions the two triumphs attributed by the Fasti to the
last king of Rome, Tarquin. See Beard, 74 & endnotes 1
- Beard, 61-2, 66-7.
- Ramsay, W. Triumphus pp1163-67 in Smith, W. A
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, John Murray,
London, 1875: from Bill Thayer's website: Triumphus
- Suetonius, Vespasian, 12
- See e. g. William T. Loomis "The Introduction of the Denarius",
338-355 in R. W. Wallace & E. M. Harris (eds.) Transitions
to Empire. Essays in Greco-Roman History, 360-146 B.C., in honor of
E. Badian (University of Oklahoma Press, 1996)
- Beard, 16: he was aged 25 or 26 in some accounts.
- Dio Cassius, 42.18.3.
- Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 8.4: Plutarch,
- Beard, 16, 17.
- Beard, 39-40, notes that the introduction of such vast sums
into the Roman economy would have left substantial traces, but none
are evidenced: citing Brunt, (1971) 459-60; Scheidel, (1996);
Duncan-Jones, (1990), 43, & (1994), 253.
- Beard, 9, cites Appian's very doubtful "75,100,000" drachmae
carried in the procession as 1.5 times his own estimate of Rome's
total annual tax revenue: Appian, Mithradates, 116.
- Beard, 15-16: citing Plutarch, Pompey, 45, 5.
- Beard, 16. For further elaboration on Pompey's 3rd triumph, see
also Plutarch, Sertorius, 18, 2, at Thayer: Cicero, Man. 61: Pliny, Nat. 7, 95.
- Beard, 35: Pliny, Historia Naturalis, 37, 14-16.
- Beard, 22-3.
- Beard, 272-5.
- Beard, 275.
- Syme, 272-5:
- Southern, 104: 
- Suetonius, Lives, Claudius, 24.3: given for the
conquest of Britain. Claudius was "granted" a triumph by the
Senate. According to Suetonius, he gave "triumphal regalia" to his
prospective son-in-law, who was still "only a boy". Thayer:
- Beard, 61-71.
- Beard, 31. See 32, Fig. 7 for a contemporary depiction of
Henri's "Romanised" procession.
- Beard, 343, footnote 65.
- Beard, Mary: The Roman Triumph,The Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., and London, England,
2007. (hardcover). ISBN 9780674026131
- Beard, M., Price, S., North, J., Religions of Rome: Volume
1, a History, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
- Bosworth, A. B., From Arrian to Alexander: Studies in
Historical Interpretation, illustrated, reprint, Oxford
University Press, 1988. ISBN 0198148631
- Bowersock, Glen W., "Dionysus as an Epic Hero," Studies in
the Dionysiaca of Nonnos, ed. N. Hopkinson, Cambridge
Philosophical Society, suppl. Vol. 17, 1994, 156-66.
- Brennan, T. Corey: "Triumphus in Monte Albano", 315-337 in R.
W. Wallace & E. M. Harris (eds.) Transitions to
Empire. Essays in Greco-Roman History, 360-146 B.C., in
honor of E. Badian (University of Oklahoma Press,
1996) ISBN 0806128631
- Galinsky, G. Karl, The Herakles theme: the adaptations of
the hero in literature from Homer to the twentieth century,
Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1972. ISBN 0631140204
- Goell, H. A., De triumphi Romani origine, permissu,
apparatu, via (Schleiz, 1854)
- Künzl, E., Der römische Triumph (Münich, 1988)
- Lemosse, M., "Les éléments techniques de l'ancien triomphe
romain et le probleme de son origine", in H. Temporini (ed.)
ANRW I.2 (de Gruyter, 1972). Includes a comprehensive
- MacCormack, Sabine, Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity:
the ceremony of "Adventus", Historia, 21, 4, 1972, pp
- Pais, E., Fasti Triumphales Populi Romani (Rome,
- Richardson, J. S., "The Triumph, the Praetors and the Senate in
the early Second Century B.C.", JRS 65 (1975), 50-63
- Southern, Pat, Augustus, illustrated, reprint,
Routledge, 1998. ISBN 0415166314
- Syme, Ronald, The Augustan Aristocracy (Oxford
University Press, 1986; Clarendon reprint with corrections, 1989)
- Versnel, H S: Triumphus: An Inquiry into the Origin,
Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Leiden,
- William Fitzgerald, December 5, 2007 TLS review of Beard,
The Roman Triumph, 2007. "Roman defeat in victory"
- Fasti Triumphales at attalus.org. Partial, annotated English
translation. From A. Degrassi's "Fasti Capitolini", 1954.