The Rus' Khaganate
is a name suggested for a
that flourished during a poorly
documented period in the history of Eastern Europe
(roughly the late 8th and
early to mid-9th centuries CE
predecessor to the Rurik Dynasty and
the Kievan Rus', the Rus' Khaganate was
a state (or a cluster of city-states) set up by a people called
Rhos or Rus, at least
some of whom were Varangians (Scandinavians), in what is today northern
The region's population at that time was
composed of Baltic
peoples. The region was also a
center of operations for Varangians
eastern Scandinavian adventurers, merchants and pirates.
to contemporaneous sources, the population centers of the region,
which may have included the proto-towns of Holmgard (Novgorod),
Sarskoe Gorodishche, and
Timerevo, were under the rule of a monarch or monarchs using the Old Turkic title Khagan.
The Rus' Khaganate period marked the
genesis of a distinct Rus' ethnos
, and its
successor states would include Kievan Rus' and later states from
which modern Russia evolved.
The ruler of the Rus' is mentioned by the title of "khagan" in
several historical sources. Most of them are foreign texts dating
from the 9th century. Three others are East
sources from the 11th and 12th centuries.
The earliest European reference related to the khaganate comes from
the Frankish Annals of St. Bertin
. The Annals refer to a
group of Norsemen, who called themselves
Rhos (qi se, id est gentem suam, Rhos vocari
dicebant) and visited Constantinople around the year 838. Fearful of returning
home via the steppes, which would leave them
vulnerable to attacks by the Magyars, these
Rhos travelled through Germany accompanied
by Greek ambassadors from the Byzantine emperor Theophilus. When questioned by the
Frankish Emperor Louis
the Pious at Ingelheim, they informed him that their leader was known as
chacanus (the Latin for "Khagan") and
that they lived far to the north, and that they were Swedes (comperit eos gentis esse
years later, in spring 871, the eastern and western emperors, Basil
I and Louis II,
quarreled over control of Bari, which had
been conquered by their joint forces from the Arabs.
The Byzantine emperor sent an angry
letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping
the title of emperor. He argued that the Frankish rulers are simple
, while the imperial title
properly applied only to the overlord of the Romans, that is, to
Basil himself. He also pointed out that each nation has its own
title for the supreme ruler: for instance, the title of
is used by the overlords of the Avars
), and "Northmen" (Nortmanno
). To that,
Louis replied that he was aware only about the Avar khagans, and
had never heard about the khagans of the Khazars and Normanns. The
content of Basil's letter, now lost, is reconstructed from Louis's
reply, quoted in full in the Salerno Chronicle
correspondence between Louis and Basil indicates that at least one
group of Scandinavians had a ruler who called himself "khagan".
Ahmad ibn Rustah, a 10th century Muslim geographer from Persia, wrote that
the Rus' khagan ("khaqan rus") lived on an island in a lake.
that Ibn Rustah, using the text of an anonymous account from the
870s, attempted to accurately convey the titles of all rulers
described by its author, which makes his evidence all the more
precious. The Muslim geographer mentions only two khagans in his
treatise — those of Khazaria and Rus. A further near-contemporary
reference to the Rus' comes from al-Yaqubi
, who wrote in 889 or 890 that the
mountaineers, when besieged by the
Arabs in 854, asked for help from the overlords (sahib
al-Rum (Byzantium), Khazaria, and al-Saqaliba
(Slavs). Hudud al-Alam
, an anonymous Arabic
geography text written in the late 10th
century, refers to the Rus' king as "rus-khaqan". As the unknown
author of Hudud al-Alam
relied on numerous 9th-century
sources, including ibn Khordadbeh, it is possible that his
reference to the Rus' Khagan was copied from earlier, pre-Rurikid
texts, rather than reflecting contemporary political reality.
Finally, the 11th century Persian geographer Abu Said Gardizi
mentioned "khaqan-i rus"
in his work Zayn al-Akbar
. Like other Muslim geographers,
Gardizi relied on traditions stemming from the 9th century.
There are good grounds for believing that the title "khagan" was
still remembered in Kievan Rus'
the Christian period. Metropolitan Hilarion of Kiev
applied the title "khagan"
to the Grand Princes of Kievan Rus
Vladimir I of Kiev
and Yaroslav I the Wise
in the earliest
surviving example of Old Kiev
, Slovo o Zakone i Blagodati
Law and Grace"), written around 1050. Hilarion referred to Vladimir
as "the great khagan of our land" (velikago kagana nashea
) and Yaroslav as "our devout khagan." A
graffito in the north gallery of Saint Sophia Cathedral
reads "O Lord,
save our khagan", apparently in reference to Sviatoslav II
(1073-1076). As late as the end
of the 12th century, The
Tale of Igor's Campaign
refers in passing to a "kogan
Oleg", traditionally identified with Oleg of Tmutarakan
Extant primary sources make it plausible that the title of khagan
was applied to the rulers of the Rus' during a rather short period,
roughly between their embassy to Constantinople (838) and Basil I's
letter (871). All Byzantine sources after Basil I refer to the Rus'
rulers as archons
. Later Kievan authors,
mentioned above, appear to have revived the term "khagan
" as a laudatory epithet of the ruling knyaz
rather than as a valid political term.
The dating of the Khaganate's existence has been the subject of
debates among scholars and remains unclear. Omeljan Pritsak
dates the foundation of the
Khaganate to around 830-840. In the 1920s, Russian historian Pavel Smirnov
suggested that the Rus' Khaganate emerged only briefly at around
830 and was soon destroyed by the migration of the Magyar-Kabar tribal
confederation towards the Carpathian Mountains.
Whatever the accuracy of such estimates may
be, there are no primary sources which mention the Rus' or its
khagans prior to the 830s.
Equally contentious has been discussion about the date of the
khaganate's disintegration. The title of Khagan is not mentioned in
the Rus'-Byzantine treaties
(907, 911, 944), or in De
, a record of court ceremonials meticulously
documenting the titles of foreign rulers, when it deals with
's reception at the court of
in 945. Moreover,
, in his detailed account of
the Rus (922), designated their supreme ruler as malik
("king"). From this fact, Peter Golden
concluded via an argumentum ex
that the khaganate collapsed at some point between 871
and 922. Zuckerman, meanwhile, argues that the absence of the title
"khagan" from the first
proves that the khaganate had vanished
Europe in early 9th century
The location of the khaganate has been actively disputed since the
early twentieth century. According to one fringe theory, the Rus'
khagan resided somewhere in Scandinavia or even as far west as
Walcheren. In stark contrast, George Vernadsky believed that the khagan
had his headquarters in the eastern part of the Crimea or in the
Peninsula and that the
island described by Ibn Rustah was most likely situated in the
estuary of the Kuban River.
Neither of these theories has won many adherents, as archaeologists
have uncovered no traces of a
Slavic-Norse settlement in the Crimea region in the 9th century and
there are no Norse sources documenting "khagans" in
represented by Boris Rybakov
, advanced Kiev as the
residence of the khagan, assuming that Askold and Dir
were the only khagans recorded
by name. Mikhail Artamonov
an adherent of the theory that Kiev was the seat of the Rus'
Khaganate, and continued to hold this view into the 1990s.
Map showing Varangian or Rus' settlement (in red) and location
of Slavic tribes (in grey), during the mid 9th century.
Khazar influence indicated with blue outline.
historians, however, have
generally argued against this theory. There is no evidence of an
settlement on the site of Kiev
prior to the 880s. Archaeological finds from the period in the
vicinity of Kiev are almost non-existent. Particularly troublesome
is the absence of hoards of coins which would prove that the
Dnieper trade route
backbone of later Kievan Rus'
operating in the 9th century. Based on his examination of the
archaeological evidence, Zuckerman concludes that Kiev originated
as a fortress
on the Khazar border with
, and that only after the Magyars
' departure for the west in 889 did the
region start to progress
A number of historians, the first of whom was Vasily Bartold
, have advocated a more
northerly position for the khaganate. They have tended to emphasize
ibn Rustah's report as the only historical clue to the location of
the khagan's residence. Recent archaeological research, conducted
by Dmitry Machinsky
has raised the possibility that this polity was based on a group of
settlements along the Volkhov River
including Ladoga, Lyubsha
Holmgard. "Most of these were initially small sites, probably not
much more than stations for re-fitting and resupply, providing an
opportunity for exchange and the redistribution of items passing
along the river and caravan routes". If the anonymous traveller
quoted by ibn Rustah is to be believed, the Rus of the Khaganate
period made extensive use of the Volga
to trade with the Middle East
possibly through Bulgar and Khazar intermediaries. His description of
the Rus' island suggests that their center was at Holmgard, an early medieval precursor of Novgorod whose name
translates from Old Norse as "the
The First Novgorod Chronicle
unrest in Novgorod before Rurik
was invited to
come rule the region in the 860s. This account prompted Johannes Brøndsted
to assert that
Holmgard-Novgorod was the khaganate's capital for several decades
prior to the appearance of Rurik, including the time of the
Byzantine embassy in 839. Machinsky accepts this theory but notes
that, before the rise of Holmgard-Novgorod, the chief political and
economic centre of the area was located at Aldeigja-Ladoga.
The origins of the Rus' Khaganate are unclear. The first
Scandinavian settlers of the region arrived in the lower basin of
the Volkhov River
in the mid-8th
century. The country comprising the present-day
Saint-Petersburg, Novgorod, Tver, Yaroslavl,
regions became known in Old Norse
sources as "Gardarike", the land of
forts. Norse warlords, known to the Turkic-speaking steppe peoples as
"köl-beki" or "sea-kings", came to dominate some of the region's
Finno-Ugric and Slavic peoples, particularly along the Volga trade route linking the Baltic Sea with the Caspian Sea and Serkland.
As with the Rus' generally, there is much debate as to the identity
and ancestry of the Rus' Khagans. They may have been Scandinavians,
native Slavs or Finnic peoples
(most probably) of mixed ancestry. Omeljan Pritsak
speculated that a Khazar
khagan named Khan-Tuvan
Dyggvi, exiled after losing a civil war
, settled with his followers in the
Norse-Slavic settlement of Rostov
, married into the local
Scandinavian nobility, and fathered the dynasty of the Rus'
khagans. Zuckerman dismisses Pritsak's theory as untenable
speculation, and no record of any Khazar khagan fleeing to find
refuge among the Rus' exists in contemporaneous sources.
Nevertheless, the possible Khazar connection to early Rus' monarchs
is supported by the use of a stylized trident tamga
, or seal, by later Rus' rulers such as Sviatoslav I of Kiev
; similar tamgas
are found in ruins that are definitively Khazar in origin. The
genealogical connection between the 9th-century Khagans of Rus' and
the later Rurikid
rulers, if any, is unknown
at this time.
Most historians agree that the title "khagan" was borrowed by the
Rus from the Khazars, but there is considerable dispute over the
circumstances of this borrowing. Peter Benjamin Golden
the Rus' khaganate was a puppet state set up by the Khazars in the
basin of the Oka River
to fend off
recurring attacks of the Magyars
. No source
records that the Rus' of the 9th century were subjects to the
Khazars, however. For foreign observers (such as Ibn Rustah) there
was no material difference between the titles of the Khazar and
Rus' rulers. Anatoly Novoseltsev
hypothesizes that the adoption of the title of khagan was designed
to advertise the Rus' claims to the equality with the Khazars. This
theory is echoed by Thomas Noonan
asserts that the Rus' leaders were loosely unified under the rule
of one of the "sea-kings" in the early 9th century, and that this
" adopted the title khagan to
give him legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects and neighboring
states. The title of khagan was, according to this theory, a sign
that the bearers ruled under a divine mandate.
The likely mainstay of the khaganate's economy
was the Volga trade route. Early 9th-century
coin hordes unearthed in Scandinavia frequently contain large
quantities of dirhem
coins minted in the
polities, sometimes split into smaller
pieces and inscribed with Runic
signs. All in
all, more than 228,000 Arabic coins have been recovered from over a
thousand hoards in European Russia and the Baltic region. Almost
90% of these arrived in Scandinavia by way of the Volga trade
route. Unsurprisingly, the dirhem was the basis for the monetary
system of Kievan Rus'.
was the major source of income for the
Rus, who according to ibn Rustah did not engage in agriculture
: "They have no cultivated fields but
depend for their supplies on what they can obtain from
as-Saqaliba's [Slavs] land. They have no estates, villages, or
fields; their only business is to trade in sable
, and other
, and the money they take in these
transactions they stow in their belts." Rus merchants
travelled down the Volga, paying duties to the
Bulghars and Khazars, to the ports of Gorgan and Abaskun on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea; on occasion they travelled as far as Baghdad.
Writing in 922, Ibn Fadlan described the Rus' ruler (like the
Khazar khagan), as having little real authority
. Instead, political and military
was wielded by a deputy, who
"commands the troops, attacks [the Rus' ruler's] enemies, and acts
as his representative before his subjects." The supreme king of the
Rus', on the other hand, "has no duties other than to make love to
his slave girls, drink, and give himself up to pleasure." He was
guarded by 400 men, "willing to die for him... These 400 sit below
the royal throne: a large and bejewelled platform which also
accommodates the forty slave-girls of his harem." Ibn Fadlan wrote
that the Rus' ruler would almost never leave his throne and even
"when he wants to go riding his horse is led up to him, and on his
return the horse is brought right up to the throne." Ibn Rustah, on
the other hand, reported that the khagan was the ultimate authority
in settling disputes between his subjects. His decisions, however,
were not binding, so that if one of the disputants disagreed with
the khagan's ruling, the dispute was then resolved in a battle
, which took place "in the
presence of the contestants' kin who stand with swords drawn; and
the man who gets the better of the duel also gets the decision
about the matter in dispute."
between the relative
powerlessness of the nominal ruler and the great authority of his
subordinate reflects the structure of Khazar
, with secular
authority in the hands of a Khagan Bek
only theoretically subordinate to the
khagan, and it agrees with the traditional Germanic
system, where there could be a
division between the king and the military commander. Moreover,
some scholars have noted similarities between this dual kingship
and the postulated relationship between Igor
and Oleg of Kiev
in the early 10th century (compare
Askold and Dir
in the 9th century).
The institution of separate sacral ruler and military commander may
be observed in the reconstructed relationship between Oleg and
Igor, but whether this is part of the Rus' Khaganate's legacy to
is unknown. The
early Kievan Rus' principalities exhibited certain distinctive
characteristics in their government, military organization, and
that were comparable to
those in force among the Khazars and other steppe peoples; some
historians believe that these elements came to Kievan Rus' from the
Khazars by way of the earlier Rus' Khagans.
Customs and religion
See also: Norse paganism,
Slavic mythology, and Christianization of the
Judging from excavations conducted since the 1820s at Ladoga and
related sites in Northern Russia, the Rus' customs reflected
primarily Scandinavian influences. This is consistent with the
writings of ibn Rustah and ibn Fadlan. The former gives a brief
description of the burial
of a Rus' nobleman
, who was put into a "grave like a large
house", together with food, amulets, coins, other staples, as well
as his favorite wife. "Then the grave door is sealed and she dies
there." Ibn Fadlan provides further evidence of the
Rus' building a memorial mound, or cenotaph, and giving it a runic
inscription on a piece of wood.
The Arab traveler also left
a detailed description of the Rus' custom of cremating noblemen in a ship
, which involved
both animal and human sacrifice
When a poor man died, he was put into a little ship and burned in
it; the funeral of a nobleman was much more elaborate. His estate
was divided into three parts: one for his family, one to pay for
his funerary costume, and one to make beer
which was consumed on the day of his cremation. One of the deceased
man's slave girls volunteered to be put to death so as to join her
master in paradise
. On the day of
cremation, the dead man was disinterred from his grave, dressed in
fine clothings, and put onto a specially constructed ship. The
volunteer slave girl was killed (after the deceased man's kinsmen
and friends had sex with her) and placed on board together with her
master before the dead man's nearest kinsman set the vessel on
fire. The funeral ended with the construction of a round
Early medieval historians were impressed with the spirit of
independence and enterprise inculcated among the Rus from birth.
Ibn Rustah writes: "When a son is born the father will go up to the
newborn baby, sword
throwing it down, he says; 'I shall not leave you any property: you
have only what you can provide with this weapon!'" Al-Marwazi
repeated this description of the
instructions given to a son and added that it was the daughter who
received her father's inheritance. The same sense of rugged
individualism was reflected in their treatment of the ill.
According to ibn Fadlan, "if one of the Rus falls sick they put him
in a tent by himself and leave bread and water for him. They do not
visit him, however, or speak to him, especially if he is a serf.
Should he recover he rejoins the others; if he dies they burn him.
If he happens to be a serf, however, they leave him for the dogs
and vultures to devor." Sources describe the Rus as liberal in
sexual matters. Ibn Fadlan wrote that the king of the Rus did not
shy away from having public intercourse with the slave girls in his
harem. When Rus traders arrived to the Volga shores, they would
make love with the slave girls they brought for sale in the
presence of their comrades; sometimes this would develop into a
The Idols, a painting by Nicholas
Both ibn Fadlan and ibn Rustah portray the Rus as devout pagans.
Ibn Rustah and, following him, Garizi reported that the Rus
) wielded great power over the common
folk. According to ibn Rustah, these shamans acted "as if they own
everything". They determined what women, men, or animals had to be
sacrificed, and there was no appealing their decisions. A shaman
would take the selected offering, whether human or animal, and hang
it from a pole until it died. Ibn Fadlan left a description of the
Rus merchants praying for success in trading before "a large wooden
stake with a face like that of a human being, surrounded by smaller
figures, and behind them tall poles in the ground." If trade did
not pick up, more offerings were made; if the business remained
slow, the trader would make offerings to the minor idols, too. When
the trading was especially good, Rus merchants would likewise make
additional offerings of cattle and sheep, some of which were
distributed as alms.
On the other hand, Byzantine sources report that the Rus adopted
by the end of the 860s. In
dated to 867, Patriarch Photius
wrote about the
enthusiastic conversion of the Rus, mentioning that he had sent to
their lands a bishop
. Constantine VII
attributes the conversion to
his grandfather Basil the
and to Patriarch
rather than to their predecessors Michael III
and Photius. Constantine narrates
how the Byzantines galvanized the Rus' into conversion by their
persuasive words and rich presents, including gold, silver, and
precious fabrics. He also repeats a traditional story that the
pagans were particularly impressed by a miracle: a gospel
book thrown by the archbishop
into an oven was not damaged by fire.
wrote in the late 9th
century that the Rus who arrived to Muslim lands "claimed to be
Christians". Modern historians are divided in their views on the
historicity and extent of the Christianization of the
Relations with neighbors
In 838, the Rus' Khaganate sent an embassy to the Byzantine Empire,
which was recorded in the Annals of St. Bertin, the reasons for
which remain a cause of controversy among historians. Aleksey Shakhmatov
argued that the
embassy of 838 had two ends in view: to establish amity with
Byzantium and to open up the way into Sweden through Western
Europe. Constantine Zuckerman
postulates that the Rus' ambassadors were to negotiate a peace
treaty after their Paphlagonian expedition
of the 830s. George
Vernadsky connects their mission with the construction of the
fortress of Sarkel in
That embassy was not recorded in Byzantine sources, and
in 860 Patriarch Photius referred to the Rus as "unknown
According to Vernadsky, the Khazars and Greeks erected Sarkel near
the portage between the Don River
and Volga specifically to defend this strategic point from the Rus.
Other scholars, however, believe that the fortress of Sarkel was
constructed to defend against or monitor the activities of the
and other steppe tribes, and not the
Rus'. The Ukrainian
that the extant sources were unclear on this point. John Skylitzes
claimed that Sarkel was a
"staunch bulwark against the Pechenegs
but did not identify that as its original purpose.
In 860, the Rus besieged
, with a fleet
ships. The Byzantine army and navy were far from the capital,
leaving it vulnerable to the attack. The timing of the expedition
suggests that the Rus were well-aware of the internal situation in
the empire thanks to the commercial and other relations that
continued after the embassy of 838. The Rus warriors devastated the
suburbs of Constantinople before suddenly departing on August
The early Rus' traded extensively with Khazaria
wrote in the Book of Roads and
that "they go via the Slavic River (the Don) to
, a city of the Khazars, where the
latter's ruler collects the tithe from them." Some modern
commentators infer from Arab accounts that the Rus' Khaganate's
political culture was profoundly influenced by its contacts with
Khazaria. By the beginning of the Rurikid
period in the first decades of the 10th century, however, relations
between the Rus' and the Khazars soured
Decline and legacy
Soon after Patriarch Photius
informed other Orthodox bishops about the Christianization of the
Rus all the centres of the khaganate in North-Western Russia were
destroyed by fire. Archaeologists found convincing evidence
that Holmgard, Aldeigja, Alaborg, Izborsk and other local centres were burnt to the ground in
the 860s or 870s.
Some of these settlements were permanently
abandoned after the conflagration. The Primary Chronicle
describes the uprising
of the pagan Slavs and Chudes
peoples) against the Varangians, who had to withdraw overseas in
862. The First Novgorod
, whose account of the events Shakhmatov considered
more trustworthy, does not pinpoint the pre-Rurikid uprising to any
specific date. The 16th-century Nikon
attributes the banishment of the Varangians from the
country to Vadim the Bold
Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Braichevsky labelled Vadim's rebellion
"a pagan reaction" against the Christianization of the Rus'. A
period of unrest and anarchy followed, dated by Zuckerman to ca.
875-900. The absence of coin hoards from the 880s and 890s suggests
that the Volga trade route ceased functioning, precipitating "the
first silver crisis
After this economic depression
of political upheaval, the region experienced a resurgence
beginning in around 900. Zuckerman associates this recovery with
the arrival of Rurik
and his men, who turned
their attention from the Volga to the Dnieper, for reasons as yet
uncertain. The Scandinavian settlements in Ladoga and Novgorod
revived and started to grow rapidly. During the first
decade of the tenth century, a large trade outpost was formed on
the Dnieper in Gnezdovo, near modern Smolensk.
Another Dnieper settlement, Kiev, developed
into an important urban centre roughly in the same period.
The fate of the Rus' Khaganate, and the process by which it either
evolved into or was consumed by the Rurikid Kievan Rus', is
unclear. The Kievans seem to have had a very vague notion about the
existence of the khaganate. Slavonic sources do not mention either
the Christianization of the Rus in the 860s nor the Paphlagonian
expedition of the 830s. The account of the Rus' expedition against
Constantinople in the 860s was borrowed by the authors of the
Primary Chronicle from Greek sources, suggesting the absence of a
- e.g., Christian 338.
- Bertin 19–20; Jones 249–250.
- Christian 338.
- Franklin and Shepard 33–36.
- Dolukhanov 187.
- Christian 338.
- Jones 249-250.
- Håkan or Haakon was a name used among
Scandinavians of the period, and it was once thought possible that
the Rhos described in the court annals referred to a king by this
- Monumenta Germaniae 385-394.
- cagano veram non praelatum Avarum, non Gazanorum aut
Nortmannorum nuncipari reperimus. Duczko 25.
- Dolger T. 59, №487.
- Brøndsted (1965), pp. 267–268
- Zuckerman, "Deux étapes" 96.
- Laurent and Canard 490. According to Zuckerman, Ibn Khordadbeh and
other Arab authors often confused the terms Rus and Saqaliba when
describing their raids to the Caspian
Sea in the 9th and 10th centuries. Thus, the ruler of
al-Saqualiba in 852 was likely the same person as the khagan of the
Rus. But n.b., ibn Khordadbeh's Book of Roads and
Kingdoms does not mention the title of Khagan for the
ruler of Rus'. Duczko 25.
- Minorsky 159.
- See, e.g., Minorsky xvi.
- Ilarion, "Sermon on Law and Grace" 3, 17, 18, 26; for
discussion, see Brook 154.
- Duczko 25.
- Spasi gospodi, kagana nashego. Duczko 25; see
also Noonan, "Khazar" 91-92.
- "Rus", Encyclopaedia of Islam
- Most commentators follow Dmitry Likhachev's interpretation of the
passage. Tmutarakan was a former Khazar possession and the Khazar
traditions may have persisted there for an extended period of time.
It is known that, while reigning in Tmutarakan, Oleg assumed the
title of the "archon of all Khazaria". Other candidates include
Novgorod and Igor Svyatoslavich of Novgorod-Seversky. See: Zenkovsky 160;
Encyclopaedia of The Lay 3-4.
- Brook 154.
- Smirnov 132-45
- Pritsak, Origin of Rus' passim.
- Golden 87, 97.
- Александров 222-224.
- Vernadsky VII-4.
- Franklin and Shepard 27-50.
- Artamonov 271-290.
- Callmer J. 325-331.
- Yanin 105-106; Noonan, The Monetary System of Kiev
- Zuckerman, "Les Hongrois au Pays de Lebedia" 65-66.
- Новосельцев 397-408.
- Zuckerman, 2000; Мачинский 5-25.
- A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures
- Brøndsted 67–68; for a detailed analysis of recent
archaeological investigations at Holmgard, see Duczko
- Мачинский 5-25; see also Duczko 31-32.
- Brutzkus 120.
- E.g., Pritsak, Origins of Rus' 1:28, 171,
- Pritsak, Origins of Rus' 1:28, 171, 182.
- Archaeologists did not find traces of a settlement in Rostov
prior to the 970s. Furthermore, the placename "Rostov" has a
transparent Slavic etymology.
- Duczko 31.
- Brook 154; Franklin and Shepard 120-121; Pritsak,
- But see, e.g., Duczko 31-32, outlining theories that
Rurik held the title of Khagan Rus'.
- Golden 77-99; Duczko 30.
- Zuckerman, "Deux étapes".
- Noonan, "Khazar" 87-89, 94.
- Brook 154; Noonan, "Khazar" 87-94.
- Noonan, "Rus/Rus' Merchants" 213-219.
- Yanin 1956. 91-100.
- Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted (1965), pp.
- Christian 340-341, citing ibn Fadlan's Risala.
- Ibn Fadlan, Risala. English translation in Brøndsted
- Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted 266–267
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