Sexual orientation is a pattern of emotional,
romantic, and/or
sexual
attractions to men, women,
both
genders,
neither gender, or
another gender. According to the
American Psychological
Association sexual orientation also refers to a person’s sense
of "personal and
social identity
based on those attractions, behaviors expressing them, and
membership in a community of others who share them." Sexual
orientation is usually classified relative to the
gender of the people who are found sexually
attractive. Though people may use other labels, or none at all,
sexual orientation is usually discussed in terms of three
categories:
heterosexual,
homosexual, and
bisexual. These orientations exist along a
continuum that
ranges from exclusive heterosexual to exclusive homosexual,
including various forms of bisexuality in-between. The continuum
between heterosexual and homosexual does not suit everyone,
however, as some people identify as
asexual. This linear scale is a simplification of
the much more nuanced nature of sexual orientation and sexual
identity; many sexologists believe it to be oversimplified.
Most definitions of sexual orientation include a psychological
component, such as the direction of an individual's erotic desire,
or a behavioral component, which focuses on the sex of the
individual's sexual partner/s. Some definitions include both
components. Some people prefer simply to follow an individual's
self-definition or
identity.
Some scholars of
sexology,
anthropology and
history
have argued that social categories such as heterosexual and
homosexual are not universal. Different societies may consider
other criteria to be more significant than sex, including the
respective age of
the partners, whether partners assume an active or a passive
sexual role, and their social status.
Sexual identity and
sexual behavior are closely related
to sexual orientation, but they are distinguished, with identity
referring to an individual's conception of themselves, behavior
referring to actual sexual acts performed by the individual, and
orientation referring to "fantasies, attachments and longings."
Individuals may or may not express their sexual orientation in
their behaviors. People who have a homosexual sexual orientation
that does not align with their sexual identity are sometimes
referred to as
closeted.
Sexual identity may also be used to describe a person's
perception of his or her own
sex, rather than sexual
orientation. The term
sexual preference has a similar
meaning to
sexual orientation, but it may be interpreted
as endorsing the notion that sexual orientation is, in whole or
part, a matter of choice.
Sexual orientation is a concept that evolved in the industrialized
West and there is a controversy as to the universality of its
application in other societies/ cultures. As Michel Foucault put
it, "'Sexuality' is an invention of the modern state, the
industrial revolution, and capitalism."
Non-westernized
concepts of male sexuality differ essentially from the way
sexuality is seen and classified under the system of Sexual
Orientation. The validity of the notion of 'sexual orientation' has
also been questioned within the industrialized Western
society.
Sexual orientation, identity, behaviour
The
American
Psychological Association states that sexual orientation
"describes the pattern of sexual attraction, behavior and identity
e.g.
homosexual (a.k.a.
gay,
lesbian),
bisexual and
heterosexual (a.k.a. straight)." "Sexual
attraction, behavior and identity may be incongruent. For example,
sexual attraction and/or behavior may not necessarily be consistent
with identity. Some individuals may identify themselves as
homosexual or bisexual without having had any sexual experience.
Others have had homosexual experiences but do not consider
themselves to be gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Further, sexual
orientation falls along a continuum. In other words, someone does
not have to be exclusively homosexual or heterosexual, but can feel
varying degrees of both. Sexual orientation develops across a
person's lifetime-different people realize at different points in
their lives that they are heterosexual, bisexual or
homosexual."
The earliest writers on sexual orientation usually understood it to
be intrinsically linked to the subject's own sex. For example, it
was thought that a typical female-bodied person who is attracted to
female-bodied persons would have masculine attributes, and vice
versa.
Terry, J. (1999).
An American obsession: Science, medicine, and
homosexuality in modern society. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press This understanding was shared by most of the
significant theorists of sexual orientation from the mid nineteenth
to early twentieth century, such as
Karl Heinrich Ulrichs,
Richard von Krafft-Ebing,
Magnus Hirschfeld,
Havelock Ellis,
Carl
Jung and
Sigmund Freud, as well as
many gender variant homosexual people themselves. However, this
understanding of homosexuality as sexual inversion was disputed at
the time, and through the second half of the twentieth century,
gender identity came to be
increasingly seen as a phenomenon distinct from sexual orientation.
Transgender and
cisgender people may be attracted to men, women,
or both, although the prevalence of different sexual orientations
is quite different in these two populations (see
sexual orientation of
transwomen). An individual homosexual, heterosexual or bisexual
person may be masculine, feminine, or
androgynous, and in addition, many members and
supporters of lesbian and gay communities now see the
"gender-conforming heterosexual" and the "gender-nonconforming
homosexual" as negative
stereotypes.
However, studies by
J Michael
Bailey and KJ Zucker have found that a majority of gay men and
lesbians report being gender-nonconforming during their childhood
years.
The majority of transgender people today identify with the sexual
orientation that corresponds with their gender; meaning that a
transwoman who is solely attracted to women would often identify as
a lesbian. Female-attracted
transmen often
consider themselves straight men, yet some participate in the
lesbian community.
For these reasons, the terms
gynephilia and androphilia are
occasionally (but increasingly) used when referring to the sexual
orientation of
transgender and
intersex people (and occasionally, cisgender
people), because rather than focusing on the sex of the subject,
they only describe that of the object of their attraction. The
third common term that describes sexual orientation,
bisexuality, makes no claim about the subject's
sex or gender identity. (See also
Pansexuality)
Sexual orientation sees greater intricacy when non-binary
understandings of both sex (male, female, or
intersex) and gender (man, woman,
transgender,
third
gender, or
gender variant) are
considered. Sociologist
Paula
Rodriguez Rust (2000) argues for a more multifaceted definition
of sexual orientation:
Fluidity of sexuality
The
American
Psychiatric Association (APA) has stated "some people believe
that sexual orientation is innate and fixed; however, sexual
orientation develops across a person’s lifetime". The APA also says
that "most people experience little or no sense of choice about
their sexual orientation". In a joint statement with other major
American medical organizations, the APA says that "different people
realize at different points in their lives that they are
heterosexual, gay, lesbian, or bisexual". A report from the
Centre for
Addiction and Mental Health states: "For some people, sexual
orientation is continuous and fixed throughout their lives. For
others, sexual orientation may be fluid and change over
time".
Gay and lesbian people can have sexual relationships with someone
of the opposite sex for a variety of reasons including the desire
for family with children and concerns of discrimination and
religious
ostracism. While some
LGB people hide their orientation from their spouse,
others develop a positive gay or lesbian identity while maintaining
a successful marriage.
Coming out of the
closet to oneself, a spouse of the opposite sex, and children can
present challenges that are not faced by gay and lesbian people who
are not married to people of the opposite sex or do not have
children.
Efforts to change sexuality
Major US, UK and Australian professional and scientific
organizations regard attempts to change people's sexual orientation
as potentially harmful, while some groups, often motivated by
religious beliefs, believe change is possible, or homosexual
attraction diminished, for those who cannot accept their sexual
orientation.
The
American
Psychological Association, the
American Psychiatric
Association, and the
National Association of
Social Workers state:
The
Australian
Psychological Society states:
Similarly, the
Royal
College of Psychiatrists states "There is no sound scientific
evidence that sexual orientation can be changed." and "The best
evidence for efficacy of any treatment comes from
randomised clinical trials and
no such trial has been carried out in this field."
United States Surgeon
General David Satcher issued a
report stating that "there is no valid scientific evidence that
sexual orientation can be changed".
American Psychological Association "encourages mental health
professionals to avoid misrepresenting the efficacy of sexual
orientation change efforts by promoting or promising change in
sexual orientation when providing assistance to individuals
distressed by their own or others’ sexual orientation and concludes
that the benefits reported by participants in sexual orientation
change efforts can be gained through approaches that do not attempt
to change sexual orientation".
Measuring sexual orientation
Varying definitions and strong
social norms
about sexuality can make sexual orientation difficult to
quantify. Researchers may use different markers of sexual
orientation, including self-labeling, sexual behaviour, sexual
fantasy or a pattern of erotic arousal. A clinical measurement may
use
penile or
vaginal photoplethysmography,
where genital engorgement with blood is measured in response to
exposure to different erotic material. In 1995, two researchers
argued that due to a lack of research on change over time, there is
a limitation on current conceptualizations of sexual orientation.
They did not abandon the concept of sexual orientation, but
concluded that "given such significant measurement problems, one
could conclude there is serious doubt whether sexual orientation is
a valid concept at all," and warned against increasing
politicization of this area.
From at least the late nineteenth century in Europe, there was
speculation that the range of human sexual response looked more
like a continuum than two or three discrete categories. Berlin
sexologist
Magnus Hirschfeld
published a scheme in 1896 that measured the strength of an
individual's sexual desire on two independent 10-point scales, A
(homosexual) and B (heterosexual). A heterosexual individual may be
A0, B5; a homosexual individual may be A5, B0; An asexual would be
A0, B0; and someone with an intense attraction to both sexes would
be A9, B9.
Fifty years later, American sexologist
Alfred Kinsey wrote in
Sexual Behavior in the Human
Male (1948):
The
Kinsey scale measures sexual
orientation from 0 (exclusively heterosexual) to 6 (exclusively
homosexual), with an additional category, X, for those with no
sexual attraction to either women or men. Unlike Hirschfeld's
scale, the Kinsey scale is one-dimensional.
Simon LeVay wrote, "it suggests (although Kinsey
did not actually believe this) that every person has the same fixed
endowment of sexual energy, which he or she then divides up between
same-sex and opposite-sex attraction in a ratio indicative of his
or her own sexual orientation."
Indirect detection
Scientific studies have found a number of statistical
biological differences between gay and straight people, which
may result from the same underlying cause as orientation itself.
The attempt to detect sexual orientation in social situations is
known as
gaydar; some studies have found that
guesses based on face photos perform better than chance. However,
it is very much possible that what people notice in these
situations is the femininity of the male, and since a
disproportionate number of males who take up the gay identity are
feminine, this may seem to work.
Demographics of sexual orientation
The multiple aspects of sexual orientation and the boundary-drawing
problems already described create methodological challenges for the
study of the demographics of sexual orientation. Determining the
frequency of various sexual orientations in real-world populations
is difficult and controversial.
In the oft-cited and oft-criticized
Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and
Sexual Behavior in the Human Female
(1953), by
Alfred C. Kinsey et al., people were asked to rate
themselves on a
scale from completely
heterosexual to completely homosexual. Kinsey reported that when
the individuals' behavior as well as their identity are analyzed,
most people appeared to be at least somewhat bisexual – i.e., most
people have some attraction to either sex, although usually one sex
is preferred. According to Kinsey, only a minority (5-10%) can be
considered fully heterosexual or homosexual. Conversely, only an
even smaller minority can be considered fully bisexual (with an
equal attraction to both sexes).
Kinsey's methods have been criticized as flawed, particularly with
regard to the randomness of his sample population, which included a
large number of prison inmates. Nevertheless,
Paul Gebhard, subsequent director of the
Kinsey Institute for
Sex Research, reexamined the data in the
Kinsey Reports and concluded that accounting
for major statistical objections barely affected the results. Most
modern scientific surveys find that the majority of people report a
mostly heterosexual orientation. However, the relative percentage
of the population that reports a homosexual orientation varies with
differing methodologies and selection criteria. Most of these
statistical findings are in the range of 2.8 to 9% of males, and 1
to 5% of females for the United States — this figure can be as high
as 12% for some large cities and as low as 1% percent for rural
areas).
In
gay villages such as The Castro
in San Francisco, California
, the concentration of self-identified homosexual
people can exceed 40%.
Estimates for the percentage of the population that are bisexual
vary widely, at least in part due to differing definitions of
bisexuality. Some studies only consider a person bisexual if they
are nearly equally attracted to both sexes, and others consider a
person bisexual if they are
at all attracted to the same
sex (for otherwise mostly heterosexual persons) or to the opposite
sex (for otherwise mostly homosexual persons). A small percentage
of people are not sexually attracted to anyone (
asexuality).
Influences on sexual orientation
The
American Academy of
Pediatrics has stated "Sexual orientation probably is not
determined by any one factor but by a combination of genetic,
hormonal, and environmental influences." Debate continues over what
biological and/or psychological variables influence sexual
orientation in humans, such as
genes and the
exposure of certain levels of
hormones to
fetuses. Freud and other psychoanalysts maintain that sexual
orientation is influenced by numerous factors including formative
childhood experiences in some cases.
Environmental factors
Prenatal hormones on developing fetus
The hormonal theory of sexuality holds that, just as exposure to
certain hormones plays a role in fetal sex differentiation, such
exposure also influences the sexual orientation that emerges later
in the adult. Fetal hormones may be seen as either the primary
influence upon adult sexual orientation, or as co-factor
interacting with genes and/or environmental and social
conditions.
Birth order
Recent studies found an increased chance of homosexuality in men
whose mothers previously carried to term many male children. This
effect is nullified if the man is left-handed. No similar effect
was found in women.
Genetic factors
Research has identified several biological factors which may be
related to the development of sexual orientation, including
genes,
prenatal hormones,
and
brain structure. No single controlling
cause has been identified, and research is continuing in this area.
At one time,
twin studies appeared to
point to a major genetic component, but problems in
experimental design of the available
studies have made their interpretation difficult, and one recent
study appears to exclude genes as a major factor.
Innate bisexuality
Innate bisexuality, or
predisposition to bisexuality, is an idea introduced by
Sigmund Freud, based on work by his associate
Wilhelm Fliess. According to this
theory, all humans are born bisexual but through psychological
development, which includes both external and internal factors,
become monosexual while the bisexuality remains in a latent
state.
Choice
There is disagreement among scientists about whether choice could
play any role in the development of sexual orientation.
Dr. Angela Pattatucci, a clinical biologist, said "'Lifestyle' is
idiotic when applied to sexual orientation – would you refer to
lefthandedness as an 'alternative lifestyle'? – but the problem is
that through misuse by the media and in political rhetoric it's
become ubiquitous.... When reporters use it, it is simply
intellectual laziness. But some people adore that word, and the
reason is probably in many cases, I'm very sorry to say, that it is
such an inaccurate description of homosexuality, implying that
sexual orientation is something one chooses, something frivolous or
faddish, determined by what you do, as opposed to an internal
orientation that is a component of what you are."
Simon LeVay, a neuroscientist, has
argued against scientists, including
Dean
Hamer, who claim that genetic research has proven that sexual
orientation is not a choice. Referring to Hamer's testimony at a
1993
trial challenging Colorado's
Amendment 2, which would have rescinded anti-discrimination laws
prohibiting discrimination against homosexuals, LeVay wrote,
"...the pressures of the trial drove the expert witnesses to take
somewhat more extreme or simplified positions than they might
otherwise have done. Hamer, for example, said at one point: "Since
people don't choose their genes, they couldn't possibly choose
their sexual orientation. The same goes for the question about
changing. People can't change their genes. So that part of
sexuality that is genetically influenced, of course, cannot be
easily changed." This goes beyond the data in two respects. First,
it seems to deny any possibility of choice even if the genetic
influence is only partial. Yet it is possible to construct a
hypothesis whereby both "gay genes"
and a desire to be
homosexual are necessary for a person actually to become
homosexual. Second, it equates genetic loading with immutability, a
connection that is open to challenge."
Sexual orientation as a social construct
Because sexual orientation is complex and multi-dimensional, some
academics and researchers, especially in
Queer studies, have argued that it is a
historical and social construction. In 1976 the historian
Michel Foucault argued that
homosexuality as an identity did not exist in
the eighteenth century; that people instead spoke of "sodomy",
which referred to sexual acts. Sodomy was a crime that was often
ignored but sometimes punished severely (see
sodomy law).
Foucault further argued that it was in the nineteenth century that
homosexuality came into existence as practitioners of emerging
sciences and arts sought to classify and analyze different forms of
sexuality. Finally, Foucault argues that it was this emerging
discourse that allowed some to claim homosexuality as a human
identity.
Heterosexuality and homosexuality are terms often used in European
and American cultures to encompass a person’s entire social
identity, which includes self and personality. In Western cultures
some people speak meaningfully of gay, lesbian, and bisexual
identities and communities. In other cultures, homosexuality and
heterosexual labels don’t emphasize an entire social identity or
indicate community affiliation based on sexual orientation.
Some historians and researchers argue that the emotional and
affectionate activities associated with sexual-orientation terms
such as gay and straight change significantly over time and across
cultural boundaries. For example, in many English-speaking nations
it is assumed that same-sex kissing, particularly between men, is a
sign of homosexuality, whereas various types of same-sex kissing
are common expressions of
friendship in
other nations. Also, many modern and historic cultures have formal
ceremonies expressing long-term commitment between same-sex
friends, even though homosexuality itself is taboo within the
culture.
Perceived sexual orientation
One person may assume knowledge of another person's sexual
orientation based upon perceived characteristics such as
appearance, clothing, and tone of voice. Perceived sexual
orientation may affect how a person is treated.
For instance, in the
United States, the FBI
reported that 15.6% of hate
crimes reported to police in 2004 were "because of a
sexual-orientation bias."
Under the
UK
Employment Equality
Regulations, "workers or job applicants must not be treated
less favorably because of their sexual orientation, their perceived
sexual orientation or because they associate with someone of a
particular sexual orientation."
Medical associations with policy related to sexual
orientation
Australia
- Australian Medical Association[5027]
China
United States
- American Academy of Pediatrics [5028]
- American Medical Association[5029]
- American Medical Student Association [5030]
- American Psychological Association (for public)[5031] (for educators)[5032]
- Catholic Medical Association
- Christian Medical and Dental Association [5033]
See also
References
- APA California Amicus Brief
- http://www.asexuality.org/home/
- Planned Parent Hood: Sexual Orientation &
Gender, LGBTQ ... The Labels and Their Meaning
- The Psychology of Sexual Orientation, Behaviour,
and identity By Louis Diamant, Richard D. McAnulty;Published by
Greenwood Publishing Group, 1995; ISBN 0313285012, 9780313285011;
522 pages; Quote from page 81: Although sexual orientation is a
loaded Western concept, the term is still a useful one, if we avoid
imposing Western thoughts and meanings associated with our language
on non-Western, noncontemporary cultures.
- The Handbook of Social Work Direct Practice By
Paula Allen-Meares, Charles D. Garvin; Contributor Paula
Allen-Meares, Charles D. Garvin; Published by SAGE, 2001, ISBN
0761914994, 9780761914990 733 pages; Quote from page 478: The
concept of sexual orientation is a product of contemporary Western
thought.
- Sexual behavior and the non-construction of sexual
identity: Implications for the analysis of men who have sex with
men and women who have sex with women. Michael W. Ross &
Ann K. Brooks; Quote from Page 9: Chou (2000) notes in his analysis
of the lack of applicability of western concepts of sexual identity
in China, just because a person has a particular taste for a
specific food doesn’t mean that we label them in terms of the food
that they prefer. A similar approach to sexual appetite as not
conferring identity may be operating in this sample. McIntosh
(1968) has previously noted that people who do not identify with
the classic western, white gay/lesbian role may not necessarily
identify their behavior as homosexual.
- Chinese Femininities, Chinese Masculinities: A
Reader; By Susan Brownell, Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom; Published by
University of California Press, 2002; ISBN 0520221168,
9780520221161; Quote: "The problem with Sexuality Some scholars
have argued that maleness and femaleness were not closely linked to
sexuality in China. Foucault's "The History of Sexuality" (which
dealt primarily with Western civilization and western Europe) began
to influence some China scholars in the 1980s. Foucault's insight
was to demonstrate that sexuality has a history; it is not fixed
psychobiological drive that is the same for all humans according to
their sex, but rather it is a cultural construct inseparable from
gender constructs. After unmooring sexuality from biology, he
anchored it in history, arguing that this thing we now call
sexuality came into existencee in the eighteenth-century West and
did not exist previously in this form. "Sexuality" is an invention
of the modern state, the industrial revolution, and capitalism.
Taking this insight as a starting point, scholars have slowly been
compiling the history of sexuality in china. The works by Tani
Barlow, discussed above, were also foundational in this trend.
Barlow observes that, in the West, heterosexuality is the primary
site for the production of gender: a woman truly becomes a woman
only in relation to a man's heterosexual desire. By contrast, in
China before the 1920s the "jia" (linage unit, family) was the
priamary site for the production of gender: marriage and sexuality
were to serve the lineage by producing the next generation of
lineage members; personal love and pleasure were secondary to this
goal. Barlow argues that this has two theoretical implications: (1)
it is not possible to write a chinese history of heterosexuality,
sexuality as an institution, and sexual identities in the European
metaphysical sense, and (2) it is not appropriate to ground
discussions of Chinese gender processes in the sexed body so
central in "Western" gender processes. Here she echoes Furth's
argument that, before the earlyu twentiethh century, sex-identity
grounded on anatomical difference did not hold a central place in
Chinese constructions of gender. And she ehoes the point
illustrated in detail in Sommer's chapter on male homosexuality in
the Qing legal code: a man could engage in homosexual behaviour
without calling into question his manhood so long as his behaviour
did not threaten the patriarchal Confucian family structure."
- Transnational Transgender: Reading Sexual Diversity
in Cross-Cultural Contexts Through Film and Video; Ryan, Joelle
Ruby; American Studies Association; Quote: Many of the projects
which have historically investigated sex/gender variance in
non-Western contexts have been ethnographies and anthropological
studies. Due to strong and lingering problems with ethnocentrism,
many of these research studies have attempted to transpose a
Western understanding of sex, gender and sexuality onto cultures in
Asia, Latin America and Africa. Terms such as “homosexual,”
“transvestite,” and “transsexual” all arose out of Western concepts
of identity based on science, sexology and medicine and often bear
little resemblance to sex/gender/sexuality paradigms in the varied
cultures of the developing world.
- Sexual Orientation, Human Rights and Global Politics
Matthew Waits, Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Applied
Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, United Kingdom; email:
m.waites@lbss.gla.ac.uk; web:
http://www.gla.ac.uk/departments/sociology/staff/waites.html ;
Quote from the Abstract: The paper problematises utilisation of the
concept of 'sexual orientation' in moves to revise human rights
conventions and discourses in the light of social constructionist
and queer theory addressing sexuality, which has convincingly
suggested that 'sexual orientation' is a culturally specific
concept, misrepresenting many diverse forms of sexuality apparent
in comparative sociological and anthropological research conducted
worldwide. I will argue in particular that 'orientation' is a
concept incompatible with bisexuality when interpreted within the
context of dominant dualistic assumptions about sex, gender and
desire in western culture (suggested by Judith Butler's concept of
the 'heterosexual matrix'). I will discuss the implications of the
this for interpreting contemporary struggles among competing social
movements, NGO and governmental actors involved in contesting the
relationship of sexuality to human rights as defined by the United
Nations.
- [1] McIntosh argues that the labelling process
should be the focus of inquiry and that homosexuality should be
seen as a social role rather than a condition. Role is more useful
than condition, she argues, because roles (of heterosexual and
homosexual) can be dichotomised in a way that behaviour cannot. She
draws upon cross-cultural data to demonstrate that in many
societies 'there may be much homosexual behaviour, but there are no
"homosexuals"' (p71).
- [2]
- Gay Men from Heterosexual Marriages: Attitudes,
Behaviors, Childhood Experiences, and Reasons for Marriage
- Gay, Mormon, married
- Gay No More
- Royal College of Psychiatrists: Statement from the Royal College of Psychiatrists’
Gay and Lesbian Mental Health Special Interest Group
- Royal College of Psychiatrists: Psychiatry and LGB people
- The Surgeon General's call to Action to Promote
Sexual Health and Responsible Sexual Behavior", A Letter from
the Surgeon General U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
July 9, 2001. Retrieved March 29, 2007.
- American Psychological Association: Resolution on Appropriate Affirmative Responses to
Sexual Orientation Distress and Change Efforts
- Wilson, G. and Rahman, Q., (2005). Born Gay. London: Peter Owen
Publishers, p21
- Hirschfeld, Magnus, 1896. Sappho und
Socrates, Wie erklärt sich die Liebe der Männer & und Frauen zu
Personen des eigenen Geschlechts? (Sappho and Socrates, How
Can One Explain the Love of Men and Women for Individuals of Their
Own Sex?)
- LeVay,
Simon, 1996. Queer Science: The Use and Abuse of Research
into Homosexuality. Cambridge: MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-62119-3
.
- James Alm, M. V. Lee Badgett, Leslie A. Whittington,
Wedding Bell Blues: The Income Tax Consequences of Legalizing
Same-Sex Marriage, page 24. (1998) PDF link
- Sexual Orientation and Adolescents,
American Academy of
Pediatrics Clinical Report. Retrieved 2007-02-23.
- G.Wilson & Q.Rahman Born Gay: The Psychobiology of Human
Sex Orientation, London: Peter Owen 2005
- Blanchard, R., Cantor, J. M., Bogaert, A. F., Breedlove, S. M.,
& Ellis, L. (2006). "Interaction of fraternal birth order and
handedness in the development of male homosexuality."
Hormones and Behavior, 49, 405–414.
- This work was published in the American Journal of
Sociology (Bearman, P. S. & Bruckner, H. (2002)
Opposite-sex twins and adolescent same-sex attraction. American
Journal of Sociology 107, 1179–1205.) and is available only to
subscribers. However, a final draft of the paper is available
here - there are no significant differences on
the points cited between the final draft and the published
version.
- Burr, Chandler. A Separate Creation: The Search for the
Biological Origins of Sexual Orientation. Hyperion 1997.
- LeVay, Simon (1996). Queer Science: The Use and Abuse of
Research into Homosexuality. Cambridge: The MIT Press ISBN
0-262-12199-9
- Zachary Green and Michael J. Stiers. Multiculturalism and
Group Therapy in the United States: A Social Constructionist
Perspective. Springer Netherlands 2002. Pages 233-246.
- Robert Brain. Friends and Lovers. Granada Publishing
Ltd. 1976. Chapters 3, 4.
- Sexual orientation and the workplace: Putting the
Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003 into
practice
- Catholic Medical Association
Further reading
- Anders Agmo Functional and dysfunctional sexual behavior
Elsevier 2007
- De La Torre, Miguel A.,
"Out of the Shadows, Into the Light: Christianity and
Homosexuality" Chalice Press, 2009.
- Dynes, Wayne (ed.) "Encyclopedia of Homosexuality." New York
and London, Garland Publishing, 1990.
- Gil Brum, Larry McKane, and Gerry Karp. Biology Exploring
Life, 2nd edition. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 1994.
p. 663. (About INAH-3.)
- Sell, Randall L. (December 1997). Defining and measuring sexual
orientation: a review. Archives of Sexual Behavior
26(6) 643-658. ( excerpt)
- Serge Wunsch PhD thesis about sexual behavior Paris Sorbonne
2007
External links