The , or
Taishō era, is a period in the
history of Japan dating from July 30, 1912
to December 25, 1926, coinciding with the reign of the
Taishō Emperor. The health of the new
emperor was weak, which prompted the shift in political power from
the old oligarchic group of elder statesmen (or
genrō) to the
Diet
of Japan and the democratic parties.
Thus, the era is
considered the time of the liberal movement known as the
"Taishō democracy" in Japan
; it is
usually distinguished from the preceding chaotic Meiji period and the following militarism-driven first half of the Shōwa period.
Meiji Legacy
On July 30, 1912, the
Meiji Emperor
died and Crown Prince
Yoshihito
became the new
emperor of Japan and
succeeded to the throne, beginning the Taishō period. The end of
the Meiji period was marked by huge government domestic and
overseas investments and defense programs, nearly exhausted credit,
and a lack of foreign reserves to pay debts.
The influence of western culture experienced in the Meiji period
continued.
Kobayashi Kiyochika
adopted western painting styles while continuing to work in
ukiyo-e.
Okakura Kakuzō kept an interest in
traditional
Japanese painting.
Mori Ōgai and
Natsume Sōseki studied in the West and
introduced a more modern view of human life.
The events flowing from the
Meiji
Restoration in 1868 had seen not only the fulfillment of many
domestic and foreign economic and political objectives—without
Japan suffering the colonial fate of other Asian nations—but also a
new intellectual ferment, in a time when there was worldwide
interest in
socialism and an urban
proletariat was developing. Universal
male
suffrage,
social welfare,
workers' rights, and nonviolent
protests were ideals of the early leftist movement.
Government suppression of leftist activities, however, led to more
radical leftist action and even more suppression, resulting in the
dissolution of the
Japan Socialist
Party (日本社会党
Nihon Shakaitō) only a year after its
1906 founding and the general failure of the socialist
movement.
The beginning of the Taishō period was marked by the Taisho
political crisis in 1912–13 that interrupted the earlier politics
of compromise. When
Saionji
Kinmochi tried to cut the military budget, the army minister
resigned, bringing down the
Rikken
Seiyukai cabinet. Both
Yamagata
Aritomo and Saionji refused to resume office, and the
genrō were unable to find a
solution. Public outrage over the military manipulation of the
cabinet and the recall of
Katsura
Tarō for a third term led to still more demands for an end to
genrō politics. Despite old guard opposition, the
conservative forces formed a party of their own in 1913, the
Rikken Dōshikai, a
party that won a majority in the House over the Seiyūkai in late
1914.
On February 12, 1913
Yamamoto Gonbei
succeeded Katsura as
prime
minister. In April 1914,
Ōkuma
Shigenobu replaced Yamamoto.
World War I and hegemony in China
Seizing
the opportunity of Berlin
's
distraction with the European War (which would become World War I) and wanting to expand its sphere of
influence in China
, Japan
declared war on Germany
on August
23, 1914, and quickly occupied German-leased territories in China's
Shandong
Province
and the
Mariana
, Caroline
, and
Marshall
islands in
the Pacific
Ocean
. On
November 7,
Jiaozhou surrendered to Japan.
With its Western allies heavily involved in the war in Europe,
Japan sought further to consolidate its position in China by
presenting the
Twenty-One Demands
( ; ) to China in January 1915. Besides expanding its control over
German holdings,
Manchuria and
Inner Mongolia, Japan also sought joint
ownership of a major mining and metallurgical complex in central
China, prohibitions on China's ceding or leasing any coastal areas
to a third power, and miscellaneous other political, economic and
military controls, which, if achieved, would have reduced China to
a Japanese protectorate. In the face of slow negotiations with the
Chinese government, widespread anti-Japanese sentiments in China
and international condemnation forced Japan to withdraw the final
group of demands and treaties were signed in May 1915.
Japan's hegemony in northern China and other parts of Asia was
facilitated through other international agreements.
One with Russia
in 1916
helped further secure Japan's influence in Manchuria and Inner
Mongolia, and agreements with France
, Britain
, and the United States
in 1917 recognized Japan's territorial gains in
China and the Pacific. The Nishihara Loans (named after
Nishihara Kamezo, Tokyo's
representative in
Beijing) of 1917 and 1918,
while aiding the Chinese government, put China still deeper into
Japan's debt. Toward the end of the war, Japan increasingly filled
orders for its European allies' needed war material, thus helping
to diversify the country's industry, increase its exports, and
transform Japan from a debtor to a creditor nation for the first
time.
Japan's
power in Asia grew with the demise of the tsarist regime in Russia and the disorder of the 1917
Bolshevik Revolution in Siberia
.
Wanting to
seize the opportunity, the Japanese army planned to occupy Siberia
as far west as Lake
Baikal
. To do so, Japan had to negotiate an
agreement with China allowing the transit of Japanese troops
through Chinese territory. Although the force was scaled back to
avoid antagonizing the United States, more than 70,000 Japanese
troops joined the much smaller units of the
Allied Expeditionary Force sent
to Siberia in 1918.
World War I permitted Japan, which fought on the side of the
victorious
Allies, to expand
its influence in Asia and its territorial holdings in the Pacific.
Acting virtually independently of the civil government, the
Imperial Japanese Navy seized
Germany's
Micronesian colonies.
On October 9, 1916,
Terauchi
Masatake took over as
prime
minister from
Ōkuma
Shigenobu. On November 2, 1917, the
Lansing-Ishii Agreement noted the
recognition of Japan's interests in China and pledges of keeping an
"
Open Door Policy" (門戸開放政策). In
July 1918, the
Siberian
Expedition was launched with the deployment of 75,000 Japanese
troops. In August 1918,
rice riots erupted in
towns and cities throughout Japan.
Japan after World War I: Taishō Democracy
Japanese Boy Scouts being trained with rifles.

Japanese schoolgirl of the Taishō
period.
The postwar era brought Japan unprecedented prosperity. Japan went
to the peace conference at
Versailles in
1919 as one of the great military and industrial powers of the
world and received official recognition as one of the "
Big Five" of the new international order.
Tokyo was
granted a permanent seat on the Council of the League of Nations and the peace treaty
confirmed the transfer to Japan of Germany's rights in Shandong
, a provision that led to anti-Japanese riots and a
mass political movement throughout China. Similarly,
Germany's former Pacific islands were put under a Japanese mandate.
Japan was also involved in the post-war Allied intervention in
Russia and was the last Allied power to withdraw (doing so in
1925). Despite its small role in
World War
I (and the Western powers' rejection of its bid for a racial
equality clause in the peace treaty), Japan emerged as a major
actor in international politics at the close of the war.
The two-party political system that had been developing in Japan
since the turn of the century finally came of age after World War
I, giving rise to the nickname for the period, "Taishō Democracy."
In 1918,
Hara Takashi, a protege of
Saionji and a major influence in the prewar Seiyūkai cabinets, had
become the first commoner to serve as prime minister. He took
advantage of long-standing relationships he had throughout the
government, won the support of the surviving
genrō and the
House of Peers, and brought into his cabinet as army minister
Tanaka Giichi, who had a greater
appreciation of favorable civil-military relations than his
predecessors. Nevertheless, major problems confronted Hara:
inflation, the need to adjust the Japanese economy to postwar
circumstances, the influx of foreign ideas, and an emerging labor
movement. Prewar solutions were applied by the cabinet to these
postwar problems, and little was done to reform the government.
Hara worked to ensure a Seiyūkai majority through time-tested
methods, such as new election laws and electoral redistricting, and
embarked on major government-funded public works programs.
The public grew disillusioned with the growing national debt and
the new election laws, which retained the old minimum tax
qualifications for voters. Calls were raised for universal suffrage
and the dismantling of the old political party network. Students,
university professors, and journalists, bolstered by labor unions
and inspired by a variety of democratic, socialist, communist,
anarchist and other Western schools of thought, mounted large but
orderly public demonstrations in favor of universal male suffrage
in 1919 and 1920. New elections brought still another Seiyūkai
majority, but barely so. In the political milieu of the day, there
was a proliferation of new parties, including socialist and
communist parties.
In the midst of this political ferment, Hara was assassinated by a
disenchanted railroad worker in 1921. Hara was followed by a
succession of nonparty prime ministers and coalition cabinets. Fear
of a broader electorate, left-wing power and the growing social
change engendered by the influx of Western popular culture
(illustrated in the popular 1970s
manga and
anime Haikara-san ga Tōru) together led
to the passage of the
Peace
Preservation Law in 1925, which forbade any change in the
political structure or the abolition of private property.
Unstable coalitions and divisiveness in the Diet led the Kenseikai
(憲政会
Constitutional Government Association) and the Seiyū
Hontō (政友本党
True Seiyūkai) to merge as the Rikken Minseitō
(立憲民政党
Constitutional Democratic Party) in 1927. The
Rikken Minseitō platform was committed to the parliamentary system,
democratic politics and world peace. Thereafter, until 1932, the
Seiyūkai and the Rikken Minseitō alternated in power.
Despite the political realignments and hope for more orderly
government, domestic economic crises plagued whichever party held
power. Fiscal austerity programs and appeals for public support of
such conservative government policies as the Peace Preservation
Law—including reminders of the moral obligation to make sacrifices
for the emperor and the state—were attempted as solutions. Although
the worldwide depression of the late 1920s and early 1930s had
minimal effects on Japan—indeed, Japanese exports grew
substantially during this period—there was a sense of rising
discontent that was heightened with the assault upon Rikken
Minseitō prime minister
Osachi
Hamaguchi in 1930. Though Hamaguchi survived the attack and
tried to continue in office despite the severity of his wounds, he
was forced to resign the following year and died not long
afterwards.
Communism and the response
The victory of the Bolsheviks in Russia in 1917 and their hopes for
a
world revolution led to the
establishment of the
Comintern. The
Comintern realized the importance of Japan in achieving successful
revolution in East Asia and actively worked to form the
Japanese Communist Party, which was
founded in July 1922. The announced goals of the Japanese Communist
Party in 1923 were an end to feudalism, abolition of the monarchy,
recognition of the Soviet Union and withdrawal of Japanese troops
from Siberia, Sakhalin, China, Korea and Taiwan. A brutal
suppression of the party followed. Radicals responded with an
assassination attempt on Prince Regent Hirohito. The 1925 Peace
Preservation Law was a direct response to the "dangerous thoughts"
perpetrated by communist elements in Japan.
The liberalization of election laws with the
General Election Law in 1925, benefited
communist candidates, even though the Japan Communist Party itself
was banned. A new
Peace
Preservation Law in 1928, however, further impeded communist
efforts by banning the parties they had infiltrated. The police
apparatus of the day was ubiquitous and quite thorough in
attempting to control the socialist movement. By 1926, the Japan
Communist Party had been forced underground, by the summer of 1929
the party leadership had been virtually destroyed, and by 1933 the
party had largely disintegrated.
Ultra-nationalism was
characteristic of
right-wing
politics and conservative militarism since the inception of the
Meiji Restoration, contributing greatly to the pro-war politics of
the 1870s. Disenchanted former
samurai had
established patriotic societies and intelligence-gathering
organizations, such as the
Gen'yōsha
(玄洋社
Black Ocean Society, founded in 1881) and its later
offshoot, the
Kokuryūkai (黒竜会
Black Dragon Society or
Amur River Society,
founded in 1901). These groups became active in domestic and
foreign politics, helped foment prowar sentiments, and supported
ultra-nationalist causes through the end of
World War II. After Japan's victories over
China and Russia, the ultranationalists concentrated on domestic
issues and perceived domestic threats, such as socialism and
communism.
Taishō foreign policy
Emerging Chinese nationalism, the victory of the communists in
Russia and the growing presence of the United States in East Asia
all worked against Japan's postwar foreign policy interests. The
four-year
Siberian expedition
and activities in China, combined with big domestic spending
programs, had depleted Japan's wartime earnings. Only through more
competitive business practices, supported by further economic
development and industrial modernization, all accommodated by the
growth of the
zaibatsu, could
Japan hope to become dominant in Asia. The United States, long a
source of many imported goods and loans needed for development, was
seen as becoming a major impediment to this goal because of its
policies of containing Japanese imperialism.
An international turning point in military diplomacy was the
Washington Conference of 1921–22, which produced a series of
agreements that effected a new order in the Pacific region. Japan's
economic problems made a naval buildup nearly impossible and,
realizing the need to compete with the United States on an economic
rather than a military basis, rapprochement became inevitable.
Japan adopted a more neutral attitude toward the civil war in
China, dropped efforts to expand its hegemony into China proper,
and joined the United States, Britain and France in encouraging
Chinese self-development.
In the Four Power Treaty on Insular Possessions signed on December
13, 1921, Japan, the United States, Britain and France agreed to
recognize the status quo in the Pacific, and Japan and Britain
agreed to terminate formally their Treaty of Alliance. The Five
Power Naval Disarmament Treaty agreed to on February 6, 1922
established an international capital ship ratio for the United
States, Britain, Japan, France, and Italy (5, 5, 3, 1.75, and 1.75,
respectively) and limited the size and armaments of capital ships
already built or under construction. In a move that gave the
Japanese Imperial Navy greater freedom in the Pacific, Washington
and London agreed not to build any new military bases between
Singapore and Hawaii.
The goal of the Nine Power Treaty also signed on February 6, 1922,
by Belgium, China, the Netherlands and Portugal, along with the
original five powers, was the prevention of war in the Pacific. The
signatories agreed to respect China's independence and integrity,
not to interfere in Chinese attempts to establish a stable
government, to refrain from seeking special privileges in China or
threatening the positions of other nations there, to support a
policy of equal opportunity for commerce and industry of all
nations in China, and to reexamine extraterritoriality and tariff
autonomy policies. Japan also agreed to withdraw its troops from
Shandong, relinquishing all but purely economic rights there, and
to evacuate its troops from Siberia.
End of the Taishō Democracy
Overall, during the 1920s, Japan changed its direction toward a
democratic system of government. However,
parliamentary government was not
rooted deeply enough to withstand the economic and political
pressures of the 1930s, during which military leaders became
increasingly influential. These shifts in power were made possible
by the ambiguity and imprecision of the Meiji constitution,
particularly as regarded the position of the Emperor in relation to
the constitution.
Timeline
Equivalent calendars
By
coincidence, Taishō year numbering just happens to be the same that
of the Juche calendar of
North
Korea
, and the Minguo
calendar of the Republic of China
(Taiwan).
References
External links
| Taishō |
1st |
2nd |
3rd |
4th |
5th |
6th |
7th |
8th |
9th |
10th |
11th |
12th |
13th |
14th |
15th |
| Gregorian |
1912 |
1913 |
1914 |
1915 |
1916 |
1917 |
1918 |
1919 |
1920 |
1921 |
1922 |
1923 |
1924 |
1925 |
1926 |