Anthony Mazzocchi (June 13, 1926 – October 5, 2002) was an
American
labor leader. He was a high elected
official of the
Oil,
Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW), serving
as vice president from 1977 to 1988, and as secretary-treasurer
from 1988 to 1991. He was a mentor to
Karen Silkwood, a co-founder of the
Labor Party, and credited by
President Richard Nixon as being the primary force
behind enactment of the
Occupational Safety and
Health Act of 1970. For his efforts, he was called the
"
Rachel Carson of the American
workplace."
Early life
Anthony
Mazzocchi was born in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn
, New
York
, on June 13, 1926, to Joseph and Angelina (Lamardo)
Mazzocchi. His father was a garment worker and union member.
The family was very poor, and Mazzocchi slept in the same bed with
two of his siblings. His mother died of cancer when Mazzocchi was
six years old, and the family lost their home because of the cost
of medical care.
His future politics were shaped at an early age. His two sisters
and a
closeted gay uncle
were both
communists. Later, in 1949, he
supported
Vito Marcantonio in his
bid to become
Mayor of New York
City. Both factors played a major role in influencing
Mazzocchi's radically progressive political views.
Mazzocchi dropped out of high school in the ninth grade when he was
16 years old. Lying about his age, he enlisted in the
United States Army, and fought in Europe
during
World War II as an anti-aircraft
gunner.
He
saw combat in three major campaigns, most notably the Battle of the Bulge, and helped liberate
Buchenwald
concentration camp
.
After
being discharged in 1946, Mazzocchi got a job as an autoworker for
Ford Motor Company in Edgewater, New
Jersey
. Having read extensively while in the Army,
he went back to school and graduated from
vocational-technical school
while working as a construction worker and steelworker in Brooklyn.
In 1950,
he took a job at a Helena Rubenstein
cosmetics factory in Roslyn, New York
.
Union career
In 1953, at the age of 26, Mazzocchi was elected president of
United
Gas, Coke, and Chemical Workers' Union (UGCCWU) Local 149,
having run on a pledge of
equal pay
for women. Within a few years, he had not only won equal pay
for equal work for women but also negotiated a health insurance
plan—one which included the first dental insurance coverage in the
private sector in the U.S. During his tenure as president of Local
149, Mazzocchi also led numerous successful organizing drives. He
merged several smaller locals into his own and conducted a number
of organizing drives, until Local 149 represented workers in 25
companies. He was elected Vice-President of the Nassau-Suffolk
CIO Council
from 1952 to 1955, and (after the merger of the
AFL and CIO in 1955) the Long
Island Federation of Labor from 1955 to 1973.
Mazzocchi became increasingly influential within UGCCWU. He helped
engineer the 1955 merger of UGCCWU with the Oil Workers
International Union to form the
Oil,
Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union. In 1957, he
was elected to the International Executive Board of OCAW from
District 8. He served until 1965, when he was appointed OCAW's
Citizenship-Legislative Director.
Passage of OSHA and other political work
In the 1960s, Mazzocchi was one of the first labor leaders to begin
building strong ties with the
environmental movement, and effort
which paid off in the passage of major federal worker legislation.
In 1962, he read
Rachel Carson's book,
Silent Spring. Mazzocchi
reasoned that if small doses of the chemicals discussed in
Silent Spring caused harm, the workers who received large
doses in manufacturing plants must be in medical danger. Mazzocchi
used this insight to begin building support in the environmental
movement for worker health and safety, and began pushing the labor
movement to support environmentalists.
Mazzocchi became a national staffer in 1965. That year, long-time
OCAW president
O.A. Knight retired. Secretary-Treasurer
Alvin F. Grospiron ran for president, and
Mazzocchi strongly backed his candidacy. The election was a bitter
one. Knight had allowed the
Central Intelligence Agency to
use the union as a cover for covert operations, and had accepted
large sums of money from the agency. Because of his support for
Gospiron, Mazzocchi was appointed OCAW's Citizenship-Legislative
Director in 1965. He used his position to push heavily for health
and safety language in union contracts as well as for state and
federal legislation on the issue. In 1969 and 1970, he organized a
series of public meetings in which OCAW and other union members
testified about the chemicals they were handling and the health
problems they were experiencing. Scientists also testified at these
public hearings about the danger of these chemicals. The public
meetings gained widespread press attention. Mazzocchi also used the
hearings to help educate workers on the legislative process, and
trained them to act as lobbyists for federal health and safety
legislation. The media attention and pressure from union members
provided critical support for congressional attempted to pass
comprehensive
occupational health and
safety legislation. In December 1970, Congress enacted and
President Richard Nixon signed the Occupational Safety and Health
Act (OSHA). Nixon specifically cited Mazzocchi's leadership and
grassroots organizing efforts as key in winning passage of the
Act.
Because of
his strong ties to the environmental movement, Mazzocchi was named
chair of the first Earth Day rally in
New York
City
on April 22, 1970.
Mazzocchi was also influential in
Democratic politics.
He
campaigned on behalf of Adlai
Stevenson in 1956, and became
one of Long
Island
's most politically influential labor
leaders. In 1964, Mazzocchi considered running for
Congress. However, he never undertook
a campaign after being advised by party leaders that he was too
radical for the electorate and would endanger the candidacies of
other Democrats.
Mazzocchi also undertook a major campaign against asbestos in the
mid-1960s. Numerous studies had documented the health hazards of
long-term exposure to asbestos beginning in the 1930s. After
becoming legislative director for OCAW, Mazzocchi began a worker
education campaign on the dangers of asbestos in the workplace.
Workers with
asbestosis,
lung cancer, and
mesothelioma played a prominent role in the
occupational health and safety conferences he organized as part of
his OSHA campaign. In 1971, the Occupational Safety and Health
Administration promulgated the first national standards for
workplace exposure to asbestos. But Mazzocchi believed the OSHA
standard was too lenient, and began a campaign to have the
National
Institute for Occupational Safety and Health conduct additional
research into the toxicity of asbestos. In 1976, NIOSH issued a
revision of its toxicity assessment for asbestos. But under
significant pressure from asbestos manufacturers, OSHA refused to
issue a revised standard. Mazzocchi continued to fight for a new
asbestos standard, and in 1986 OSHA issued a temporary revised
standard. Mazzocchi's efforts for a stricter standard continued,
and in 1992 OSHA issued a final revised standard which cut in half
the levels of asbestos exposure permitted under its 1986
rule.
Mazzocchi believed his most profound contribution was linking the
scientific and public health communities with workers and unions to
create the modern occupational safety and health movement.
In
speaking about the exposure of hundreds of workers to asbestos in
Tyler,
Texas
, during the 1960s, he said:
- I wanted the whole country to know in detail what had happened
at that factory, and to understand what had gone on there—the
fruitless...lack of enforcement by the Department of Labor, the
whole long lousy history of neglect, deceit and stupidity—was
happening in dozens of other ways, in hundreds of other factories,
to thousands of other men across the land. I wanted people to know
that thousands upon thousands of their fellow citizens were being
assaulted daily, and that the police—in this case, the federal
government—had done nothing to remedy the situation. In short I
wanted them to know that murder was being committed in the
workplace, and that no one was bothering about it.
The Silkwood case
Mazzocchi was a friend and confidante of
Karen Silkwood.
Silkwood was a
technician at a Kerr-McGee nuclear fuel milling, conversion, enrichment,
and fuel rod fabrication plant in Crescent, Oklahoma
, about 30 miles north of Oklahoma
City
. Silkwood, a newly-elected union
representative, was concerned that Kerr-McGee officials were
falsifying records about the integrity of the plant's
plutonium nuclear fuel rods.
Silkwood and two
other workers met with Mazzocchi in Washington, D.C.
, the week of September 26, 1974. Although
Mazzocchi was preoccupied with his asbestos fight, he spent a day
talking to the three workers. They knew almost nothing about the
dangers of the materials they were working with, and Mazzocchi
helped educate them about these hazards. At this meeting, Silkwood
revealed that she was aware Kerr-McGee may have falsified its
quality-control records. Mazzocchi arranged for the three to
testify before the
Atomic Energy
Commission (AEC) regarding safety failures at the Crescent
plant. Mazzocchi also outlined a two-point plan for the workers to
follow. First, they would pursue the safety lapses with the AEC.
Second, and more importantly, Mazzocchi asked Silkwood to collect
more information on the quality lapses. She was not to take any
documents, but was to take notes on documents, record what she
observed, and begin building a case. Mazzocchi believed that by
leaking documents to the press and then following up with public
testimony, he could create the same public cry for change which had
proven so successful in the OSHA campaign. When it turned out that
Silkwood had been contaminated with plutonium in the weeks before
her death, Mazzocchi feared that Kerr-McGee might pinpoint Silkwood
as the source of the documents OCAW intended to leak to the
New York Times.
Karen Silkwood died in a car accident on
November 13,
1974, while on
her way to talk with a
Times reporter about the safety
violations at the Crescent plant. Alerted to suspicious aspects of
the accident, Mazzocchi permitted the use of OCAW funds to hire a
former police officer-turned-private investigator to examine the
accident scene and Silkwood's car. After the investigator found
evidence that Silkwood's car may have been forced off the road and
that Silkwood was awake when the crash occurred (rather than asleep
at the wheel as Oklahoma state police had concluded), Mazzocchi
asked
Attorney
General William B. Saxbe on
November
19,
1974, to investigate Silkwood's death.
Mazzocchi also released a statement to the press, prematurely as it
turned out: The private investigator's report had not yet been
written, and the press release exposed the investigator to
harassment and press mis-reporting which severely muddled OCAW's
case that Silkwood may have been murdered. When the AEC concluded
that Silkwood had not been contaminated accidentally, Mazzocchi was
pleased with the result. He was not pleased when the AEC refused
any attempt to try to discover how she had been poisoned. The
Attorney General closed the investigation into Silkwood's death on
April 30,
1975, saying
there was no evidence of foul play.
Mazzocchi also assisted other workers who had been retaliated
against for speaking out against safety and health violations at
the Kerr-McGee plant. When two OCAW members who had helped Silkwood
were fired on what Mazzocchi felt were trumped-up charges of drug
abuse, he filed charges with the AEC and the
National Labor Relations
Board (NLRB) accusing Kerr-McGee of violating federal law. An
arbitrator reinstated one worker with back pay.
The AEC sent its
complaint to the Federal Bureau of
Investigation
(FBI), as retaliation against a whistleblower is a criminal violation of
federal law. The FBI referred the matter to the Attorney
General, and the complaint was never acted on. The NLRB issued a
complaint against Kerr-McGee for violating the
National Labor Relations Act,
but never sought court enforcement of its order. The NLRB also
referred its charges to the Attorney General for prosecution, but
no action was taken.
Although Mazzocchi continued to fight for worker health and safety
issues at Kerr-McGee, he was forced to cease any further
investigations into Silkwood's death in 1975. Union members began
to fear the AEC or the company might close the plant, and Mazzocchi
was forced to weigh the livelihoods of hundreds of members against
any additional investigation.
Later career
Mazzocchi's efforts on health and safety boosted his political
popularity within the union. In 1977, he defeated incumbent Elwood
Swisher to become vice president of OCAW. Encouraged by supporters,
he ran for president of the union in 1979 when
Alvin F. Grospiron retired. He lost to
Robert Goss by 1 percent of the vote. He
challenged Goss for the presidency again in 1981.
But the
disaffiliation of most of OCAW's Canadian
membership and the breakup of the
environmental-union coalition over the issue of job protections led
to a second defeat (again by less than 1 percent of the
vote). Some accused Goss, who had strong ties to the Central
Intelligence Agency, of dirty tricks during the election. Others
pointed out that many OCAW members were unhappy with Mazzocchi's
views on nuclear disarmament and the environment.
Estranged from the OCAW leadership, Mazzocchi spent much of the
early 1980s agitating for more aggressive organizing and even
stronger stands on occupational health and safety. He was an
important figure in the "
right to
know" movement, which advocated for rules, regulations and
legislation to give individuals the right to know which chemicals
they may be exposed to while on the job. He drew national attention
to industry efforts to force women who worked with toxic chemical
to undergo
sterilization.
Ms. magazine named him one of the "40
Male Heroes of the Decade" in 1982 for his work against
company-sponsored sterilization.
Goss retired in 1988, and was succeeded by
Robert Wages. Mazzocchi had reconciled with
Wages in the mid-1980s, and Wages asked him to be his running mate.
Mazzocchi was elected OCAW's Secretary-Treasurer in 1988 and served
until his retirement in 1991. From 1991 to 1999, Mazzocchi served
as "special assistant to the president” on legislative, civil
rights, health and safety matters.
In 1991, Mazzocchi established
Alice Hamilton College, an
alternative school for union members. It
is named for Dr.
Alice Hamilton, a
pioneer in
occupational health.
In 2001,
he founded the Labor Film
Festival at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing
Arts
.
Founding the Labor Party
Mazzocchi founded the
Labor
Party in 1996. For several decades, Mazzocchi had been
convinced that corporations and entrenched political interests were
not serving the best interests of working people. Throughout the
1980s, Mazzocchi ran an organization known as the Labor Party
Advocates, a group of individuals committed to the goal of
organizing a political party to support national health care,
Social Security, labor rights and other workers' issues.
Mazzocchi
founded the Labor Party in Cleveland, Ohio
, in 1996. He had won the support of nine
international unions and hundreds of local unions and central labor
councils. Their membership totaled more than a million
workers.
Role in peace movement
Mazzocchi had a strong interest in the
peace movement. He concluded that poor
workplace health and safety was, in essence, violence against
workers. This led him to become active in the broader peace
movement as a way of combating other forms of violence against
workers. In 1957, Mazzocchi helped launched the
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE). His
activities in SANE won him a meeting in 1964 with President
Lyndon B. Johnson to discuss converting military
production facilities to civilian use. In 1972, when most American
labor leaders strongly supported the
Vietnam
War, Mazzocchi founded Labor for Peace, a group of 22 labor
leaders from 13 unions dedicated to ending the war.
Death
Mazzocchi was diagnosed with
pancreatic cancer in the spring of 2002.
He died
of the disease at his home in Washington, D.C.
, on October 5, 2002. Mazzocchi was married
twice. His marriages to Rose Alfonso and Susan Lynn Kleinwaks ended
in divorce. He had one son and five daughters.
In his later years,
Mazzocchi co-habited with Katherine Isaac at his home in Washington,
D.C.
After several mergers, OCAW became part of the
United Steelworkers of
America.
The Steelworkers' Tony Mazzocchi Center for
Health, Safety and Environmental Education in Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania
, was dedicated to Mazzocchi.
Quotations
- There is a dawn approaching that is indicating and shouting to
us that it's our moment. But we've got to seize that moment and use
what we know so well—how to organize and, fundamentally, how to
fight!
- When you build a big movement from down below, regardless of
who's in the White House, you can bring about change.
- Movements grow in desperate times. We are being born.
- We're the only industrial nation in the world where if you
strike the employer can replace you with scabs—permanently. That's
not a right to strike. That's a right to commit suicide.
Notes
- Greenhouse, "Anthony Mazzocchi, 76, Dies," New York
Times, October 9, 2002.
- Greenhouse, "Facing Death, Founder Fights for Labor Party's
Life," New York Times, August 25, 2002.
- Leopold, The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life
and Times of Tony Mazzocchi, 2007.
- Moberg, "Remembering Mazzocchi," In These Times,
January 28, 2008.
- Woo, "Tony Mazzocchi, 76; Workplace Safety Advocate, Political
Activist," Los Angeles Times, October 8 2002.
- Early, "A Working-Class Hero Is Something To Be,"
Solidarity, March/April 2008.
- Hightower, "Going Down the Road: Tony Mazzocchi, 'Labor Guy',"
The Nation, October 28, 2002.
- Isaac, "A Union View of Worker Safety," Multinational
Monitor, October 1997.
- Young, "Green-Collar Workers," Sierra Magazine,
July/August 2003.
- Donnelly, "The Origins of the Occupational Safety and Health
Act of 1970," Social Problems, October 1982.
- Langley, "The Colonization of the International Trade
Movement," in Autocracy and Insurgency in Organized Labor,
1972; Hirsch and Muir, “A Plumber Gets Curious About Exporting
McCarthyism,” in The Cold War Against Labor, 1987.
- Barbalace, "A Brief History of Asbestos Use and Associated
Health Risks," Environmental Chemistry, October 2004;
Bowker, Fatal Deception: The Terrifying True Story of How
Asbestos Is Killing America, 2003; Brodeur, Outrageous
Misconduct: The Asbestos Industry on Trial, 2005; Schneider,
An Air That Kills: How the Asbestos Poisoning of Libby,
Montana, Uncovered a National Scandal, 2004.
- Paustenbach et al., "Environmental and Occupational Health
Hazards Associated With The Presence of Asbestos in Brake Linings
and Pads (1900 to Present): A 'State-of-the-Art' Review,"
Journal of Toxicology and Environmental Health, January
2004.
- Smith and Schneider, "Company Blocked OSHA's Efforts to
Establish Exposure Standards," Seattle Post-Intelligencer,
February 12, 2000.
- Rashke, The Killing of Karen Silkwood: The Story Behind the
Kerr-McGee Plutonium Case, 2000.
- Hannam, The Death of Karen Silkwood, 2000.
- Burnham, "Death of Plutonium Worker Questioned by Union
Official," New York Times, November 19, 1974; Burnham,
"Atom Case Death Linked to 2d Car," New York Times,
December 24, 1974.
- Burnham, "A.E.C. Can't Say How Worker Swallowed Plutonium,"
New York Times, January 7, 1975.
- Burnham, "Atom Worker Death Inquiry Disputed," New York
Times, January 22, 1975.
- Burnham, "Foul Play Doubted By F.B.I. in Death of Atomic
Worker; Plutonium Possession," New York Times, May 2,
1975.
- Burnham, "A.E.C. Penalizes Few Nuclear Facilities Despite
Thousands of Safety Violations," New York Times, August
25, 1974; Burnham, "Plutonium Plant Scored on Safety," New York
Times, April 26, 1976.
- Adkin, The Politics of Sustainable Development: Citizens,
Unions and the Corporations, 1998.
- Shabecoff, "Tensions Increase Between Labor and
Environmentalists Over Jobs," New York Times, May 28,
1977.
- Serrin, "Activist Loses Bid to Lead Chemical Workers," New
York Times, August 15, 1981.
- Raskin, "Big Labor Tries to Ends Its Nightmare," New York
Times, May 4, 1986; Serrin, "The Man Who Is Taking the Labor
Movement to Task," New York Times, May 15, 1983.
- Morse, "Dying to Know: A Historical Analysis of the
Right-to-Know Movement," Journal of Environmental and
Occupational Health Policy, 1998.
- Gaut, "Can Labor Change the Democratic Party?", Labor
Notes, May 26, 1983.
- McClure, "Labor Has a Party, But No Candidates—Yet,"
Dollars & Sense, September/October 1996; Greenhouse,
"Labor Party Gets to Work At Its Second Convention," New York
Times, November 16, 1998.
- Stetson, "22 Labor Leaders Plan Peace Drive," New York
Times, May 7, 1972.
- "Health, Safety & Environment Department."
United Steelworkers Web site. Accessed March 24, 2008.
- Speech to the 1998 convention of the United
Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America.
- "'We Want to Redefine What Society Is All About': An Interview
With Tony Mazzocchi on the Birth of the Labor Party," Z
Magazine, February 1997.
References
- Adkin, Laurie. The Politics of Sustainable Development:
Citizens, Unions and the Corporations. Tonawanda, N.Y.: Black
Rose Books, 1998. ISBN 1551640805
- Barbalace, Roberta C. "A Brief History of Asbestos Use and
Associated Health Risks." Environmental Chemistry. October
2004.
- Bowker, Michael. Fatal Deception: The Terrifying True Story
of How Asbestos Is Killing America. New York: Touchstone
Books, 2003. ISBN 0743251433
- Brodeur, Paul. Outrageous Misconduct: The Asbestos Industry
on Trial. New York: Pantheon Books, 2005. ISBN 0394533208
- Burnham, David. "A.E.C. Can't Say How Worker Swallowed
Plutonium." New York Times. January 7, 1975.
- Burnham, David. "A.E.C. Penalizes Few Nuclear Facilities
Despite Thousands of Safety Violations." New York Times.
August 25, 1974.
- Burnham, David. "Atom Case Death Linked to 2d Car." New
York Times. December 24, 1974.
- Burnham, David. "Atom Worker Death Inquiry Disputed." New
York Times. January 22, 1975.
- Burnham, David. "Death of Plutonium Worker Questioned by Union
Official." New York Times. November 19, 1974.
- Burnham, David. "Foul Play Doubted By F.B.I. in Death Of Atomic
Worker; Plutonium Possession." New York Times. May 2,
1975.
- Burnham, David. "Plutonium Plant Scored on Safety." New
York Times. April 26, 1976.
- Donnelly, Patrick G. "The Origins of the Occupational Safety
and Health Act of 1970." Social Problems. 30:1 (October
1982).
- Early, Steve. "A Working-Class Hero Is Something To Be."
Solidarity. March/April 2008.
- Gaut, Greg. "Can Labor Change the Democratic Party?" Labor
Notes. May 26, 1983.
- Greenhouse, Steven. "Anthony Mazzocchi, 76, Dies." New York
Times. October 9, 2002.
- Greenhouse, Steven. "Facing Death, Founder Fights for Labor
Party's Life." New York Times. August 25, 2002.
- Greenhouse, Steven. "Labor Party Gets to Work At Its Second
Convention." New York Times. November 16, 1998.
- Hannam, Joyce. The Death of Karen Silkwood. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 0194229708
- Hightower, Jim. "Going Down the Road: Tony Mazzocchi, 'Labor
Guy'." The Nation. October 28, 2002.
- Hirsch, Fred and Muir, Virginia. “A Plumber Gets Curious About
Exporting McCarthyism.” In The Cold War Against Labor. Ann
Fagan Ginger and David Christiano, eds. Berkeley, Calif.:
Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Institute, 1987. ISBN 0913876208
- Isaac, Katherine. "A Union View of Worker Safety."
Multinational Monitor. October 1997.
- Langley, David. "The Colonization of the International Trade
Movement." In Autocracy and Insurgency in Organized Labor.
Burton Hall, ed. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1972.
ISBN 0878555048
- Leopold, Les. The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The
Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi. White River Junction, Vt.:
Chelsea Green Publishing, 2007. ISBN 1933392649
- McClure, Laura. "Labor Has a Party, But No Candidates—Yet."
Dollars & Sense. September/October 1996.
- Moberg, David. "Remembering Mazzocchi." In These Times. January 28, 2008.
- Morse, Tim. "Dying to Know: A Historical Analysis of the
Right-to-Know Movement." Journal of Environmental and
Occupational Health Policy. 8:1 (1998).
- Paustenbach, Dennis J.; Finley, Brent L.; Lu, Elizabeth T.;
Brorby, Gregory P.; and Sheehan, Patrick J. "Environmental and
Occupational Health Hazards Associated With The Presence of
Asbestos in Brake Linings and Pads (1900 to Present): A
'State-of-the-Art' Review." Journal of Toxicology and
Environmental Health. 7:1 (January 2004).
- Rashke, Richard L. The Killing of Karen Silkwood: The Story
Behind the Kerr-McGee Plutonium Case. 2d ed. Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, 2000. ISBN 080148667X
- Raskin, A.H. "Big Labor Tries to Ends Its Nightmare." New
York Times. May 4, 1986.
- Schneider, Andrew. An Air That Kills: How the Asbestos
Poisoning of Libby, Montana, Uncovered a National Scandal. New
York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 2004. ISBN 0399150951
- Serrin, William. "Activist Loses Bid to Lead Chemical Workers."
New York Times. August 15, 1981.
- Serrin, William. "The Man Who Is Taking the Labor Movement to
Task." New York Times. May 15, 1983.
- Shabecoff, Philip. "Tensions Increase Between Labor and
Environmentalists Over Jobs." New York Times. May 28,
1977.
- Smith, Carol and Schneider, Andrew. "Company Blocked OSHA's
Efforts to Establish Exposure Standards." Seattle
Post-Intelligencer. February 12, 2000.
- Stetson, Damon. "22 Labor Leaders Plan Peace Drive." New
York Times. May 7, 1972.
- "'We Want to Redefine What Society Is All About': An Interview
With Tony Mazzocchi on the Birth of the Labor Party." Z
Magazine. February 1997.
- Woo, Elaine. "Tony Mazzocchi, 76; Workplace Safety Advocate,
Political Activist." Los Angeles Times. October 8
2002.
- Young, Jim. "Green-Collar Workers." Sierra Magazine.
July/August 2003.