The
Yeniseian language
family (sometimes known as Yeniseic or
Yenisei-Ostyak; occasionally spelled with
-ss-) is spoken in central Siberia
.
Family division
0.
Proto-Yeniseian (before 500 BC; split
around 1 AD)
- 1. Northern Yeniseian (split around 700 AD)
- :1.1. Ket (100-500
speakers)
- :1.2. Yugh
† (2 or 3 non-fluent speakers in 1991)
- 2. Southern Yeniseian †
- :2.1. Kott-Assan (split around 1200 AD)
- ::2.1.1. Kott
† (extinct by the mid-1800s)
- ::2.1.2. Assan
† (extinct by 1800)
- :2.2. Arin-Pumpokol (split around 550 AD)
- ::2.2.1. Arin
† (extinct by 1800)
- ::2.2.2. Pumpokol † (extinct by
1750)
Only two languages of this family survived into the 20th century,
Ket (also known as
Imbat Ket),
with around 1,000 speakers and
Yugh (also known
as
Sym Ket), which is now possibly extinct. The other
known members of this family,
Arin,
Assan,
Pumpokol, and
Kott, have been extinct for over a century. Other
groups –
Buklin,
Baikot,
Yarin,
Yastin – are identifiable as Yeniseic-speaking from
tsarist fur-tax records compiled during the 17th century, but
nothing remains of their languages except a few proper names. It
appears from Chinese sources that a Yeniseian group might have been
among the peoples that made up the tribal confederation known as
the
Xiongnu, who have traditionally been
considered the ancestors of the
Huns, but these
suggestions are difficult to substantiate due to the paucity of
data.
Family features
The
Yeniseian languages share many contact-induced similarities with
the South Siberian
Turkic languages, Samoyedic languages, and Evenki. These include long-distance
nasal harmony,
deaffrication, and the use of
postposition or grammatical
enclitic as
clausal subordinators. Yeniseic nominal enclitics
closely approximate the
case
systems of geographically contiguous families.
The Yeniseian languages have been described as having up to four
tones or no tones at all. The 'tones' are concomitant with
glottalization,
vowel
length, and
breathy voice, not
unlike the situation reconstructed for
Old
Chinese before the development of true tones in Chinese. The
Yeniseian languages have highly elaborate
verbal morphology, to an extreme found
elsewhere in Eurasia only in
Burushaski and, to a lesser extent, in
the
languages of the
Caucasus (all of these languages are
ergative as well).
Morphology
Personal pronouns
| Personal pronouns in Yeniseian languages |
|
Singular |
Plural |
|
1. |
2. |
3.masc. |
3.fem. |
1. |
2. |
3. |
| Ket |
āˑ(t) |
ūˑ |
būˑ |
būˑ |
ɤ̄ˑt ~ ɤ́tn |
ɤ́kŋ |
būˑŋ |
| Yugh |
āt |
ū |
bū |
bū |
ɤ́tn |
kɤ́kŋ |
béìŋ |
| Kott dialects |
ai |
au |
uju ~ hatu |
uja ~ hata |
ajoŋ |
auoŋ ~ aoŋ |
uniaŋ ~ hatien |
| Assan |
aj |
au |
bari |
? |
ajuŋ |
avun |
hatin |
| Arin |
ai |
au |
au |
? |
aiŋ |
aŋ |
itaŋ |
| Pumpokol |
ad |
u |
adu |
? |
adɨŋ |
ajaŋ |
? |
|
Vocabulary
Numerals
The following table exemplifies the basic Yeniseian numerals as
well as the various attempts at reconstructing the
proto-forms:
|
Gloss |
Yeniseian languages and dialects |
Available reconstructions |
| Northern branch |
Southern branch |
| Ket dialects |
Yugh |
Kott-Assan |
Arin-Pumpokol |
| SK |
Kott |
Assan |
Arin |
Pumpokol |
Starostin |
| 1 |
qūˑs |
χūs |
huːtʃa |
hutʃa |
qusej |
xuta |
*xu-sa |
| 2 |
ɯ̄ˑn |
ɯ̄n |
iːna |
ina |
kina |
hinɛaŋ |
*xɨna |
| 3 |
dɔˀŋ |
dɔˀŋ |
toːŋa |
taŋa |
tʲoŋa ~ tʲuːŋa |
dónga |
*doʔŋa |
| 4 |
sīˑk |
sīk |
tʃega ~ ʃeːga |
ʃega |
tʃaga |
ziang |
*si- |
| 5 |
qāˑk |
χāk |
kega ~ χeːga |
kega |
qala |
hejlaŋ |
*qä- |
| 6 |
aˀ ~ à |
àː |
χelutʃa |
gejlutʃa |
ɨga |
aggɛaŋ |
*ʔaẋV |
| 7 |
ɔˀŋ |
ɔˀŋ |
χelina |
gejlina |
ɨnʲa |
onʲaŋ |
*ʔoʔn- |
| 10 |
qɔ̄ˑ |
χɔ̄ |
haːga ~ haga |
xaha |
qau ~ hioga |
hajaŋ |
*ẋɔGa |
| 20 |
ɛˀk |
ɛˀk |
iːntʰukŋ |
inkukn |
kinthjuŋ |
hédiang |
*ʔeʔk ~ xeʔk |
| 100 |
kiˀ |
kiˀ |
ujaːx |
jus |
jus |
útamssa |
*kiʔ ~ giʔ / *ʔalVs-(tamsV) |
|
A few etymologies
The following table exemplifies a few basic vocabulary items as
well as the various attempts at reconstructing the
proto-forms:
| Gloss |
Yeniseian languages and dialects |
Available reconstructions |
| Northern branch |
Southern branch |
| Ket dialects |
Yugh |
Kott-Assan |
Arin-Pumpokol |
| SK |
NK |
CK |
Kott |
Assan |
Arin |
Pumpokol |
Vajda |
Starostin |
Werner |
| LARCH |
sɛˀs |
sɛˀs |
šɛˀš |
sɛˀs |
šet |
čet |
čit |
tag |
*čɛˀç |
*seʔs |
*sɛʔt / *tɛʔt |
| RIVER |
sēˑs |
sēˑs |
šēˑš |
sēs |
šet |
šet |
sat |
tat |
*cēˑc |
*ses |
*set / *tet |
| STONE |
tʌˀs |
tʌˀs |
tʌˀš |
čʌˀs |
šiš |
šiš |
kes |
kit |
*cʰɛˀs |
*čɨʔs |
*t'ɨʔs |
| FINGER |
tʌˀq |
tʌˀq |
tʌˀq |
tʌˀχ |
tʰoχ |
? |
intoto |
tok |
*tʰɛˀq |
*tǝʔq |
*thǝʔq |
| RESIN |
dīˑk |
dīˑk |
dīˑk |
dʲīk |
čik |
? |
? |
? |
*čīˑk |
*ǯik (~-g, -ẋ) |
*d'ik |
| WOLF |
qɯ̄ˑt |
qɯ̄ˑti |
qɯ̄ˑtə |
χɯ̄ˑt |
(boru Turkic) |
qut |
xotu |
*qʷīˑtʰi |
*qɨte (˜ẋ-) |
*qʌthǝ |
| WINTER |
kɤ̄ˑt |
kɤ̄ˑti |
kɤ̄ˑte |
kɤ̄ˑt |
keːtʰi |
? |
lot |
lete |
*kʷeˑtʰi |
*gǝte |
*kǝte |
| LIGHT |
kʌˀn |
kʌˀn |
kʌˀn |
kʌˀn |
kin |
? |
lum |
? |
*kʷɛˀn |
*gǝʔn- |
? |
| PERSON |
kɛˀd |
kɛˀd |
kɛˀd |
kɛˀtʲ |
hit |
het |
kit |
kit |
*kɛˀt |
*keʔt |
? |
| TWO |
ɯ̄ˑn |
ɯ̄ˑn |
ɯ̄ˑn |
ɯ̄n |
in |
in |
kin |
hin |
*kʰīˑn |
*xɨna |
*(k)ɨn |
| WATER |
ūˑl |
ūˑl |
ūˑl |
ūr |
ul |
ul |
kul |
ul |
*kʰul |
*qoʔl (~ẋ-, -r) |
? |
| BIRCH |
ùs |
ùːse |
ùːsə |
ùːʰs |
uča |
uuča |
kus |
uta |
*kʰuχʂa |
*xūsa |
*kuʔǝt'ǝ |
| SNOWSLED |
súùl |
súùl |
šúùl |
sɔ́ùl |
čogar |
čɛgar |
šal |
tsɛl |
*tsehʷəl |
*soʔol |
*sogǝl (~č/t'-ʎ) |
|
Proposed relations to other language families
Until 2008, few linguists accepted that connections had been
established between Yeniseian and any other language family, though
distant connections have been proposed with most of the
ergative languages of Eurasia.
Dene-Yenisean
In 2008,
Edward Vajda of Western
Washington University
presented evidence, backed by rigorous methodology,
for a genealogical relation between the Yeneisian languages of
Siberia and the Na-Dene languages of North
America.. His paper has been favorably reviewed by several
experts on Na-Dene and Yeniseic languages, including
Michael Krauss, Jeff Leer,
James Kari, and Heinrich Werner, as well as a
number of other well-known linguists, including
Bernard Comrie,
Johanna Nichols, Victor Golla,
Michael Fortescue, and
Eric Hamp. However, it will take some time for
the linguistic community to properly evaluate this proposal.
Karasuk
The
Karasuk hypothesis, linking Yeniseian to
Burushaski, has
been proposed by several scholars, notably by A.P Dulson and V.N.
Toporov. George van Driem, the most prominent current advocate of
the Karasuk hypothesis, postulates that the
Burusho people were part of the migration out of
Central Asia that resulted in the Indo-European conquest of
India.
Sino-Tibetan
As noted by Tailleur and Werner, some of the earliest proposals of
genetic relations of Yeniseian, by
M.A. Castrén (1856), James Byrne (1892),
and G.J. Ramstedt (1907), suggested that Yeniseian was a northern
relative of the
Sino-Tibetan languages. These
ideas were followed much later by Kai Donner and Karl Bouda.
Dené-Caucasian
Bouda, in various publications in the 1930s through the 1950s,
described a linguistic network that (besides Yeniseian and
Sino-Tibetan) also included
Caucasian, and
Burushaski, some forms
of which have gone by the name of
Sino-Caucasian.
The works of R. Bleichsteiner and O.G. Tailleur, the late
Sergei A. Starostin and Sergei L. Nikolayev have
sought to confirm these connections. Others who have developed the
hypothesis, often expanded to
Dené-Caucasian,
include J.D. Bengtson, V. Blažek,
J.H. Greenberg (with
M. Ruhlen), and
M. Ruhlen. George Starostin continues his father's work in
Yeniseian, Sino-Caucasian and other fields.
External links
Footnotes
- "Ostyak" is an areal
rather than genetic term; in addition to the Yeniseian languages it
also includes the Uralic languages Khanty and
Selkup.
- See Vovin 2000,
Vovin 2002 and
Pulleyblank 2002
- See Vajda
2008a
- See Anderson
2003
- See Vajda 2007,
Starostin 1982 and
Werner (???)
- See Vajda
2008b
- Dene-Yeniseic Symposium. Alaska Native Language
Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks
- See Dulson 1968
- See Toporov
1971
- See Van Driem
2001
- See Tailleur
1994
- See Werner 1994
- See Donner 1930
- See Bouda 1963 and
Bouda 1957
- See Bleichsteiner
1930
- See Tailleur 1958
and Tailleur 1994
- See Starostin 1982,
Starostin 1984,
Starostin 1991,
Starostin &
Ruhlen 1994
- See Nikolaev
1991
- See Bengtson 1994,
Bengtson 1998,
Bengtson 2008
- See Blažek &
Bengtson 1995
- See Greenberg
& Ruhlen, Greenberg & Ruhlen 1997
- See Ruhlen 1997,
Ruhlen 1998a,
Ruhlen 1998b
- See Reshetnikov & Starostin 1995a,
Reshetnikov &
Starostin 1995b, Dybo & Starostin
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